दसैं किन मनाउन मान्दैनन लिम्वूवानका लिम्बुहरु-

दसैं किन मनाउन मान्दैनन लिम्वूवानका लिम्बुहरु- 

केदार उप्रेती

लिम्वूवुढापाकाहरुका अनुसार पहिले दशै लिम्वूहरुले मान्दैन थिए । लिम्वूहरु आफनो मौलिक चाड पर्वहरु मान्ने गर्दथे । वि सं १८३१ पछि लिम्वूहरुलाई दशै चाड मान्न लगाईएको विभिन्न लिम्वूवानमा पाईने पुराना कागजपत्रहरुमा उल्लेख गरिएको भेटिन्छ । पुर्वमा वसोवास गर्ने किरात लिम्वूहरुले दशै नमान्दा गोरखा राजावाट विभिन्न कार्वाहीहरु हुने भएकोले दशै पर्व लिम्वूहरुलाई जवरजस्ती मान्न लगाईएको मुन्धुमविद भरत तुङ्घङ वताउँछन् । वि स १८३१ सालमा लिम्वूवान गोरखाका शाह राजाले षडयन्त्रपुर्वक लिम्वूहरुसंग सम्झौता गरी अरुण कोशी पुर्वको लिम्वूवान भु–भाग माथि अधिकार जमाए । त्यस पछि लिम्वूवानका विभिन्न क्षेत्रहरुमा आफनो किल्ला निर्माण गर्न सुरु ग¥यो ।लिम्वूवान युद्ध गरेर जित्न नसकेपछि लिम्वूवानको जगरवगर, (जल, जंगल जमिन, जडिवुटी) खोलाको तितेमाछा, भीरमौरी आदि तिमीहरुकै हो भनि झुक्याएर सम्झौता गरे । त्यस पछि विस्तारै लिम्वूवानमा गोरखाको शासन वढदै गयो । यही क्रममा गोरखाले लिम्वूवानका लिम्वूहरुलाई दशै मान्न लगाईएको वताईन्छ ।

वि सं १८४३ मा रणवहादुर शाहले लिम्वूहरुलाई दशै अनिवार्य मान्नु भनि लालमोहर दिए । लालमोहर लिम्वूवानका लिम्वूहरुलाई दिएपछि वि सं १८४८ सालमा पुर्वमा वसोवास गर्ने लिम्वूहरुमा दशै मान्ने नमान्ने विवाद नै भयो ।हिन्दु धर्म मान्ने या आफनो परम्परा संस्कृति मान्ने भन्ने विच दुई समुह निर्माण गरी लिम्वूहरुलाई विभाजन गरियो । यत्तिमात्रै नभएर दशै नमान्ने लिम्वूहरुलाई कार्वाही गर्न सुरु गरियो । वि सं १८४८ पछि लिम्वूवानका लिम्वूहरुलाई दशै मान्न वाध्य वनाईयो । यदि दशै नमाने सुव्वाङगी र किपट खोस्ने जस्ता कार्य शाह राजाहरुले गर्न थाले । विस्तारै लिम्वूहरुको परम्परागत चाडवाड भन्दा वढी दशै मान्ने उर्दी जारी भयो । यसकारण दशै लिम्वूहरुको मौलिक चाड नभई लादिएको चाड भएको लिम्वूवानमा पाईने पुराना कागजहरुले प्रष्ट पार्छन् ।वि सं १८४८ साल पछि लिम्वूवानका सुव्वा, कार्वारी र जिम्मावालहरुले अनिवार्य नौ दुर्गा भवानीको पुजा आजा गर्नुपर्ने , दशै मान्नका लागि घर लिपपोत गर्नुपर्ने र नयाँ लिपपोत गरेको घरको भित्तामा अनिवार्य वलि दिएको खसी वोका, परेवा, राँगा, सुगुरको रगतमा हात तथा पैताला डुवाई छाप हान्नुपर्ने उर्दि जारी भयो । दशै सकिए पछि कार्तिक महिनामा लिम्वूवानमा वसोवास गर्ने लिम्वूहरुले दशै माने की मानेन् भनेर फेरीवाला जोगीको भेषमा जय गोरखनाथ भन्दै जासुस गर्न शाह राजाले पठाउँथे । लिम्वूवानको गाँउ गाँउ जोगीको भेषमा पुगेका गोरखनाथहरुले गरेको रिपोर्टिङको आधारमा लिम्वूहरु कार्वाहीको भागिदार वन्नु पथ्र्यो ।

यसरी लिम्वूवानमा वसोवास गर्ने लिम्वूहरुलाई दशै मान्न लगाईएको रणवहादुर शाहको पालामा लिम्वूहरुलाई दिएको लालमोहरले पनि प्रष्ट पार्दछ । प्रकृतिपुजक लिम्वूहरु यस भन्दा अगाडी आफनो कुल देवताको पुजा अर्चना गर्दथे । विशेष गरेर वाली भित्रयाउने समयमा चासोक (न्वागीपुजा) गर्दथे । त्यस्तै वाली लगाउने समयमा यक्वापुजा गर्ने गर्दथे । नयाँ वर्षकोरुपमा माघेसंक्रान्ती (कक्फेक्वा तङ्नाम्) मान्ने र साउने संक्रान्तीलाई (सिसेक्पा तङ्नाम) कोरुपमा मान्ने गर्दथे । लिम्वूहरु प्रकृति पुजक भएकोले मठमन्दिर र मुर्ति पुजा गर्देनथिए

 ।लिम्वूवानमा निशान पुर्वी नेपालको विभिन्न क्षेत्रमा दशैको समयमा निशान निकाल्ने चलन छ । पुर्वको मुख्य ऐतिहासिक गौडा मानिएको धनकुटामा ९ वटा निशान छन् । ती ९ वटा निशानलाई हरेक वर्षको दशैको सप्तमी तिथि अर्थात फुलपातीको दिन प्रर्दशन गरिन्छ । विभिन्न पुराना हात हतियार सहित हाल धनकुटामा रहेको निशान देवी मन्दिरवाट विषेश पुजा आज गरी नेपाली सेना र प्रहरीको सलामी पछि धनकुटाको टुडीखेल सम्म पु¥याएर पुजा आजा गर्ने गरिन्छ ।धनकुटामा रहेका ९ वटा निशान मध्ये एउटा जंगी निशान, श्रीजंग पल्टनका ४ वटा, ईन्द्रध्वज गणका ४ गरी जम्मा ९ वटा रहेका छन् । श्रीजंग पल्टन अहिले नेपालको रामेछाममा छ भने ईन्द्रध्वज गण झापामा रहेको छ । यसरी पुर्वको लिम्वूवानमा हुने युद्धहरुमा आँउदा यी निशानहरु धनकुटा ल्याईपु¥याएको मुन्धुमविद भरत तुङघङ वताउँछन् । यसैगरी धनकुटाको जस्तै अरु निशान लिम्वूवानको विभिन्न क्षेत्रमा छन् ।छथर, पान्थरका सुव्वाहरु संग अझै पनि निशानहरु छन् । जस अनुसार धनकुटा जिल्लाको छथर ताङखुवामा २ वटा नगरा, हातहतियार सहितको निशान छन् । ताङखुवामा पनि हरेक वर्ष दशैको नवमीको दिन विशेष पुजा आजा गरी मन्दिरवाट वाहिर निकाली करिव ३ किलोमिटर टाढा सम्म पु¥याएर मौलोडाँडा भन्ने स्थानमा पुजाआजा गर्ने गर्दछन् । ताङखुवाको निसान छथरका खजुम पारघरी लिम्वू र खजुम चोङवाङ लिम्वूहरुले राखेका छन् ।यस्तै अर्काे निशान लिम्वूवानकै छथर क्षेत्र अन्र्तगत तेह्रथुम जिल्लाको सुदाप र ओख्रेमा पनि छन् । ओख्रे गाविसमा नगरा, पुराना हात हतियार अनि तोप सहितको निशान छ । यो निसान खेवा तूम्वा लिम्वू संग छ भने भने अर्काे सुदाप गाविसमा पुराना हात हतियार र नगरा सहितको निशान छ । सो निशान खेवा मादेन लिम्वूहरु संग छ । त्यहाँ पनि हरेक सालको दशैको नवामीकै दिन पुजा आजा गर्ने र प्रर्दशन गर्ने गरिन्छ । त्यस्तै अर्काे निसान लिम्वूवानको छथर पोखरीमा पनि छ । यहाँ भने प्रर्दशन गर्ने गरिदैन । अर्काे निशान लिम्वूवानको पान्थर थुम हालको पाँँचथर जिल्लामा पनि छ । पाँचथरमा पनि योङहाङ लिम्वूहरुले हरेक वर्षको नवमीकै दिन प्रर्दशन गर्ने गर्दछन् । यहाँ भने निशान प्रर्दशन गरिनुका साथै नचाउने गरिन्छ ।वि सं १९४० सालमा चैनपुरवाट रणोद्धीपसिं राणाको पालामा धनकुटा लिम्वूवान हेर्ने गौडा सरे पछि वि सं १९४२ साल देखि निशानको पुजाआजा गर्न थालिएको वताईन्छ । विभिन्न शक्तिकोरुपमा मानिने निशान पुर्वी लिम्वूवानमा करिव १५ वटा छन् । लिम्वूवानमा रहेका सवै निशानहरु श्रीजंग पल्टनका निशानहरु हुन् भन्ने गरिन्छ । तर लिम्वूवानको पुर्खाैली भुमी र परम्परागत संस्था विषयमा विद्यावारिधी गर्दे गरेका कमल तिगेलाका अनुसार सरसर्ती हेर्दा १५ थान निशान देखिएता पनि धनकुटाका नौ थान निसानहरु वस्तवमा जंगी निसान, श्रीजंग पल्टनको निसान र ईन्द्रध्वज गणको निसान गरी तीनवटा मात्रै हुन । यसमा अनि र पनि हुने गर्दछ । जसको अर्थ अगाडी निसान र पछाडी निसान भनेर वुझिन्छ । यसमा चार थान निसानको प्रयोग हुन्छ । यी निसानहरुको साथमा पाले निसानहरु पनि हुन्छन् । जंगी निसान एउटै मात्र हुन्छ । धनकुटा वाहेक अरु क्षेत्रमा रहेका निसानहरु श्रीजंग पल्टन अन्र्तगत पछि राखिएका हुन् । सेन राजाकै पालामा समेत लिम्वूवानमा नगरा निसान दिने चलन भएकोले यि निसानहरुको वारेमा थप खोज अनुसन्धान गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ

।दशै नमान्दा मृत्यूदण्ड शाह राजाहरुले पुर्व लिम्वूवानमा वसोवास गर्नेहरुलाई अनिवार्य दशै मान्नुपर्ने उर्दि जारी गरे पछि धनकुटाको आसपासमा वसोवास गर्ने अठप्रे (आठपरीय) जातिहरुले दशै नमान्दा दुई जनालाई मृत्यूदण्ड दिई शहिद वनाईयो । जंगवहादुर राणा प्रधानमन्त्री भएको समयमा दिईएको यो मृत्यूदण्डमा नाम्रीहाङ र रिदमा नाम गरेका दुई पुजारीलाई झुण्डाएर मारिएको हो । आठपरीया जातिहरु अहिले पनि दशै मान्दैनन् । उनीहरु वाली भित्रयाउने समयमा (कात्तिके पुर्णिमा) मा वाडाङमेट चाड मान्दछन् ।

 उनीहरुले यो चाडमा आठपरीयाहरुको घरघरमा पुगी च्यावु्रङ नाच्दैसि

पैले माग्यो सुनै पगरी…..

राजाले दियो कालो पगरी….

भावी कर्मले यस्तै लेख्यो …..

यही पगरीले खायो ज्यान …भन्दै गीत गाउने गर्दछन् ।

 यसरी पुर्वमा वसोवास गर्ने आदिवासी लिम्वूले मात्रै होईन धेरै जसो जनजातिहरुले पहिला दशै मान्दैन थिए । तर पछि जर्वजस्ती शाहवंसिय राजाले दशै पर्व मान्न भनी लगाएको उर्दीको कारण मान्न थालिएको हो । पछिल्लो समयमा केही सचेत आदिवासी जनजातिहरुले दशै आफनो चाड नभएको भन्दै मनाउन छाडेकाछन् ।

आध्यात्मिक र भौतिकबाट मुन्धुम

मुन्धुम् र भौतिकवादी दृष्टिकोण

मुन्धुम् संसारको सृष्टि,मानव जगतको भलो र

प्रगति गर्ने विषय वा सार संक्षेप नै वास्तविक

मुन्धुम्को सारतत्व हो। मुन्धुम् शब्दको उत्पति मुन

+हल्लिनु थुम+दुम–जोडिनु मुन+दुम–मुन्धुम् हुन्छ।

अथवा हल्लीरहने शति्शाली तत्व जोडिएर कुनै अर्थ

लाग्ने वस्तु वा सिर्जना हुने शब्दको नाम नै मुन्धुम् हो।

मुन्धुमको अर्थ

खाम्बोङ्बा लुङबोङ्बा अथवा सावा येत्हाङहरुको प्राचीन

भाषा,माङ्वाणी (माङ इङघङ) देव भाषा जो मुहिगुम्

अङ्सी,देवअङसीहरुको वाणी वा मौखिक

शास्त्रादीहरुलाइ मुन्धुम् मानिएको छ।

मुन्धुम भित्र थकसाप मुन्धुम (लिखित शास्त्र) पेसाप

मुन्धुम् (टिप्पणी शास्त्र) थुङसाप मुन्धुम् (मौखिक

शास्त्र–श्रुति परम्परा) सक्सक् मुन्धुम् (कागज शास्त्र)

र साम्यो मुन्धुम् (धर्म शास्त्र) शास्त्रहरुलाई

समग्रमा साम्जिक वा चाम्जिक मुन्धुम् मानिएको छ।

श्रुति कथा,आख्यान,लोक साहित्य र

गाथाहरुको समष्टीगतरुप नै मुन्धुम्को आधार हो।

थुङसाप मुन्धुम् (श्रुति शास्त्र)

तथा साकमुरा वादेम्मा मुन्धुम् अनुसार

मेन्छाम्याप्मी पाक्तेल्ले

मुजिना खेयङ्ना (इश्वररुपि स्त्रीरुप) मस्त जवानी भइ

यौनतृष्णाले छट्पटिएर रुखमाथि खुट्टा हल्लाउँदै

हावा खाइ बस्दा हावाको माध्यमले

मुजिना खेयङ्नाको योनीमा कालो बायु (इश्वर–

माङ्को विर्य) प्रवेशगरि जन्मेका सुसुङगे लालाङगे

(युकपुङ्गेन् सावाङगेम्बा) नै प्रथम मानव पुत्र मानिन्छ।

अर्थात शास्त्रीय मुन्धुमले भन्छ कि सुनले

बनाउँदा पनि मान्छे बनेन्। चाँदि प्रयोग

गरी बनाउँदा पनि मान्छे बनेन। अर्को शब्दमा तत्वले

जीवन बनेन्। बाजेबाट बाबु जन्मियो,बाबुबाट

छोरा जन्मियो,छोराबाट नाति जन्मियो। अर्थात

जीवन बन्नलाइ जीवन नै चाहियो/चाहिन्छ। यसलाइ

अङ्ग्रेजीमा "Law or theory अफ Biogenesis" भनिन्छ।

मुन्धुम् अनुसार जीवाङ्स

भनेको सिमिक्ला खाप्पु,वहिचेल्लेक्ना,वादुम्–पक

्वा वा आकाशे

पानी जो ढुङ्गाको खोपिल्टो वा कुनै पानी जम्ने

ठाँउमा जम्मा भई त्यो पानीमा आवश्यक जीवांशहरु

जम्मा हुन गई तागेरानिङ्वाफु माङको आशीर्वादले

मानिसको सृष्टि भयो।

यसरी मानिस वा जीवको उत्पति हुने सिद्धान्तलाइ नै

मुन्धुमले अघि सारेको छ। मुन्धुम्मा थुप्रै माङहरु उत्पन्न

भई विभिन्न् सिर्जनाहरु गरेको मुन्धुमले वर्णन गर्दछ। तर

बुझनु पर्ने कुरा के हो भने समयक्रम अनुसार ब्रह्माण्ड र

पृथ्वीमा भएका सम्पूर्ण वस्तुहरु परिवर्तन हुँदै जाने

निश्चित अवस्थालाई श्रुति परम्परामा माङ(इश्वर)

को उपस्थिति मानिएको छ।

डार्विनको विकासवादी सिद्धान्त अनुसार बाँदरले

मानिसको रुप लिन पुगेको हो। त्यो वैज्ञानिक

तथ्यलाइ स्वीर्कानै पर्छ। तर अब

संसारमा भएका बाँदरहरु बाँदर नै रहि रहनेछन्। बाँदरबाट

मान्छे बन्ने वातावरणको परिवर्तन क्रम

गुज्री सकेको छ। यो वैज्ञानिक तथ्यलाइ स्वीकार

गर्दछौ भने यी मुन्धुम्का लोक आख्यान र शास्त्रीय

मुन्धुमी काब्यलाई पनि स्वीर्कानै पर्ने हुन्छ।

“थो खाम्छी छिरीरो खाम्लन्दी साःमा (साःमेन्छा)

लुङ्छी छिरीग लुङबोङ्बा साःमा

मेन्छाम तुम्बुमा याप्मी तुम्बुमा

मुजिनामारो खेयङनामाआः

थाप्साङ लन्देआङ लदेन लन्देआङ

थो फक्ताङलुङ्मेत्थो पेन्बेन वामेत्थो,

चुक्मु नेन्छिङ्ङाङ् हिङ्मु नेन्छिङ्ङाङ्

चुक्मु लोरेल्य हिङमु लोरेल्य” भन्ने मुन्धुमी लोक

आख्यानलाई पनि स्वीकार्नै पर्ने हुन्छ।

जब “सियाक्पे थेयाक्पे फक्ताङ्लुङ पेन्बेन्लुङ

माङजिरी माङ्लःदा (माङ्गन तेम्बे)

तेन”मा ढुङ्गा माटो र हावा पानीद्दरा जन्म

भएकी मुजिना खेयङ्ना मस्त जवानी हुन्छिन्

अनि मुन्धुमी भाषामा यसरी गर्भधारण हुन पुग्छिन्।

लक्लेलक लकले पेलीरक पान्लो

थो सिन्युक् पिबारो मुदेन पिबारो

थो सुरावेत तेम्बे काम्फोना तेम्बे

थोसु इङबेल्लो खाङला इङबेन्न्

योसु इङबारो सुरा इङबेन्न्

लक्लेलक लकले पेली र पारे

यो साङगफे कफे नाङवामा चङधो

मुजिनामाग खेयङनामाग

कुजेक् ....

सिसा केःरेआङ मेन्छीन् केःरेआङ

साम्मिःत् मुक्तेआङ केजङ् मुक्तेल्ले

यो साङगफे कफे नावामा चङधो

लिङगफे कफे नावामा चङधो

केरुङ तोसेल्ले कुहिम तोसेल्ले

साम्मिःकरक मुक्ते केजङरक मुक्ते

साम्मिःत्ले मुतुः केजङ्ले मुत्तुआङ

मुजिङनामाग खेयङनामाग

आबुरक लाःरुरो सारुङरक लाःरुरो।

मुन्धुममा यसरी सर्वप्रथम मानवको गर्भधारण

हिमालमा भएको छ।

यता रुसी आँखा अनुसन्धानकर्ता एवं वैज्ञानिक

अर्नस्ट मुल्भडसेभ (Ernst Muldashev) को इन्टरनेशनल

एकेडेमी अफ साइन्स युन (१९९६) द्वारा प्रकाशित

इन्टरनेशनल एक्सपेडिसन फर ह्युमानिटी ओरिएन्टल

रिसर्च (International expedition for oriental

research)पुस्तकमा मानव

जातिको उत्पति हिमाली श्रृङखला (फक्ताङलुङ) र

मानसरोवर छेउछाउ भएको उल्लेख गरिएको छ।

त्यहाँ उत्पति भएका मानवहरु विकसित अवस्थामा पुगेर

चारतिर लागेका थिए।

उल्लेखित मुन्धुम् र वैज्ञानिक अन्वेषणहरु विचार

गर्दा मानव सृष्टि र मानव विकाशको मूल

थलो यही हिमवत् खण्डको कैलाश पर्वत

वा फक्ताङलुङ सरहदभित्र भएको थियो। प्रसिद्ध

पश्चिमी विद्धान डा.स्वेलभेन लेभीले याक्थुङ (लिम्बू)

हरुको सम्बन्धमा लेखेका छन “त्यो हिमाल

वास्तवमा उसैको हो जो त्यहीँ आदिकालदेखि बसिरहेका थिए

र अहिले पनि बसि रहेकाछन।” माक्सवादी विद्धान

फेडरिक एंगेल्स(Frederick Engels) को भनाई अनुसार

पनि “एसिया नै मानव जातिको उत्पति स्थल हो।

मानव शास्त्रीहरुको वैज्ञानिक खोज र

विद्धानहरुको अनुमान जस्तै मुन्धुमभित्र

संसारको सृष्टिवारे चाख लाग्दो र वैज्ञानिक

दृष्टिकोणसंग मेलखाने

मुन्धुमी भाषाहरुको प्रयोग भएको पाइन्छ। युङ्पुङगेन

सावाङगेम्बा सिकार गर्न फङदुरा(काश)

चङधो वेक्तुरा चङधो उकालो लाग्छन्। मुन्धुम् अनुसार

उस बेलाको माङ्गन तेम्बे (माङहरुको घुमफिर गर्ने ठाउँ

वा समथल मैदान,वर्तमान फक्ताङ्लुङ हिमाल वरिपरि)

तिर उकालो लागेको ब्याख्या भएबाट के बुझिन्छ भने

अहिले पहाड र हिमश्रृङखला भएर

उभिएका हिमाली श्रृङ्खलाहरु अग्लिने क्रम

जारी थियो। अहिले जस्तो विशाल हिमाल पर्बत

भएर अग्लि सकेको थिएन् र नदी किनारतिर

काशका गाँजहरु फुलेको थियो।

भूगर्भशास्त्रीहरुको मत अनुसार हिमाल

भूखण्डको निर्माण आजभन्दा करिब साढे १२ करोड

बर्ष अगाडी उत्तरको लुरेसिया(Laurasia) र

दक्षिणको गोण्डवाना ल्याण्ड (Gondwana Land)

का रुपमा बाँडिएका जमिनका केवल

दुईओटा ठूला भूखण्डहरु साढे ६ करोड बर्ष अगाडी आएर

वर्तमानका विभिन्न दीपहरुमा बाँडिनु

अगाडी वर्तमान नेपालको भूभाग टेथिस

सागरको गर्भभित्र लुकेको थियो।

(मेहरी दत्ता १९८५;१५,१७)। वर्तमान दक्षिण

एसियाली उपमहाद्धीप सरिसृपहरुको युग अथवा मध्य

जीवकल्प(Mesozoic)सम्म अफ्रिकी महादेशसंग

जोडिएको थियो। पछि आएको भौगोलिक

हलचलमा समुन्द्रको दक्षिणी पिँध पेलिने तर

उत्तरको तिब्बती ढालले सर्न नदिने हुँदा समुन्द्र सतह

चुलिदै गएको थियो। यो परिवर्तनको लहरमा कतिपय

जमिनका उच्च भू–भागहरु पानी भित्र डुब्न पुगे र

कतिपय सागर भित्रका भू–भागहरु उच्च

भूमि वा पहाडका रुपमा उठ्न पुगे।

यही हलचलकै क्रममा महादीपीय विस्थापनका कारण

अफ्रिकासंग जोडिएको भू–भाग समुन्द्रमा धस्न

गयो र उत्तरतर्फ भएको टेथिस सागरको भू–भाग

माथि उठ्न गई चुरे,महाभारत र कतिपय उच्च पहाडी भू–

भागको निर्माण हुन पुगेको थियो। तिब्बतीय

पठारतिर विशाल ढिक्के नुन खानी हुनुलाई

त्यहीँ समुन्द्रको नुनपानीलाई कारण मानिएको छ।

यी वैज्ञानिक तत्थ्य अनुसार आज

देखिएका पहाड,हिमालहरु एकै पल्ट निर्माण

भएका थिएनन्। समुन्द्री टेथिस अग्लो हुने क्रमसंगै

त्यहाँ भएका एक कोषिय जीवहरु

पनि पानीको सतहमा आएका थिए।

वैज्ञानिक अनुसन्धान अनुसार पृथ्वीमा आइरन–

सल्फाइड भएको महासागरीय पिँधको उष्ण

चट्टानमा अन्दाजी अढाई अरव बर्ष देखि ४ अरव बर्ष

अघिको समयअवधिमा जीवको पहिलो रुप अल्गी–

वैक्टेरिया जीव–कोषको उत्पति भएको थियो।

डार्बिनको विकासवादी सिद्धान्त अनुसार

अमिवाबाट जीवहरु र मानव सम्मको विकास

भएको हो। सम्भवतः यो विकास हुने क्रम पहाड र

हिमालको अग्लाई एकै साथ हुँदै गयो। मुन्धुमले

पनि यही विकासवादी सिद्धान्तकै

आधारमा ब्रह्माण्ड र

संसारको सृष्टि जीवहरुको उत्पति र

फक्ताङलुङमा (कुम्भकर्ण हिमालमा)

ढुङ्गा माटोद्धारा मुजिना खेयङ्नाको जन्म

भएको हो भनेर ब्याख्या गरेकोछ। जीवहरुको उत्पति र

विकास हुने क्रम भई सकेर पनि अहिले देखिएका पहाड

र हिमालहरु भने क्रमश अग्लिन्दै

जाँदा अहिलेको अवस्थामा पुगेको हो।

श्री मदन मणि दीक्षित अनुसार नेपाल भनिने

भूमिको इतिहास करिव ७ करोड बर्ष

पुरानो भएको अनुमान गरिएकोछ।

महाभारतमा हस्तिनापुरको नाम ५२ पटक उल्लेख

गरिएकोछ तर हिमालयको नाम दुईसय ५४ पटक उल्लेख

गरिएकोछ। यसबाट हिमालय वरिपरिको मानव

सभ्यता र नेपालको अस्तित्व धेरै पहिले नै सुढृढ भई

सकेको थियो भन्ने कुरा बुझ्न सकिन्छ।

अनुसन्धानकर्ताहरुले तिब्बतमा लाखौं बर्ष

पुरानो बोन धर्मका चिहान साथै अन्य मानव अवशेषहरु

फेला पारेका छन्। आर्यावर्तको प्राचीन

साहित्यहरुलाई हेर्दा हिम प्रदेशका प्राचीन

जातिहरुका नामहरु भेटिन्छन्।

जसमा मुख्यतया खम्बोज,दरद,किरात,शक,यवन

(याक्थुङ?) खस आदिका नामहरु विशेष उल्लेखनीय

रहेका छन। सुप्रसिद्ध इतिहासकार श्रीराम गोयलले

पनि आर्यहरुको आगमन अगाडी नै किरात

जातिको यस हिमालय वरिपरिको क्षेत्रमा बसोबास

भईरहेको तथ्यको पुष्टि गरेका छन्।

अफ्रिकामा पाइएको “लुसि” भनिने मानव

भग्नावशेषलाइ वर्तमान मानवको पहिलो पुर्खा भनेर

पश्चिमी अनुसन्धानकर्ताहरुको दाबी रहे पनि “बहुमत

मानवशाश्त्रीहरु एसिया क्षेत्र नै मानव उत्पति स्थल

हुनु पर्छ” भन्ने निर्क्योलमा एकमत देखिन्छन्। हिन्दु

धर्मशास्त्रले मानव उत्पति स्थल हिमालयतिर

भएको सङ्केत गर्दछ। यही सङ्केतलाई मुन्धुमले विस्तृत

रुपमा वर्णन गरेको छ। सन १९८० मा नेपाल

अमेरिकी संयुक्त अभियान दलले नेपाल

बुटवलको तिनाउ

नदीको दायाँ किनारमा रामापिथेकस (राम नरवानर)

वा बुटवल नरवानरको बायाँ बङ्गाराको अवशेष

चट्टानमा भस्मिभूत(Fossilized)

भएको अवस्थामा फेला पारेका थिए। उक्त राम

नरवानरको बङ्गारालाई चुम्बकीय विधीबाट

समयको परीक्षण गर्दा एक करोड दश लाख बर्ष

अघिको अनुमान गरिएको थियो। इतिहास र

संस्कृतिविद् भुवनलाल प्रधान अनुसार “एक करोड बर्ष

भन्दा अगाडि नै

हिमाली भेगको फेदीमा प्रागमानवको प्रादुर्भाब

भईसकेको थियो। लिम्बूहरुको साम्जिक मुन्धुम् अनुसार

इम्बिरि याङधाङवा (तमोर) को किनार “मुधिङगुम

लेक्वा” मा मुजिना खेयङनाको जन्म भइ फक्ताङलुङ

हिमालको फेदीमा रहेको मारुङफुक्को पारुङफुक्कोबाट

आदी मानवहरुको मानव सभ्याता शुरु भएको थियो।

ति ठाउँहरुलाई मुन्धुम्मा “मना पोङदेन”

वा मानवको सृष्टि स्थल मानिन्छ।

गुरुङहरुको आदिम वस्ति भनिने अन्नपूर्ण मलखुगेर

भञ्ज्याङ् दक्षिण तर्फ क्होलःसोँथर अर्थात

क्होलः सोप्रे (तीन हजार तीन सय ३० मीटर) हुनु

जस्ता प्रमाणहरुले आदिम मानवहरु हिमालबाटै

फैलिएका थिए। यी आदी(Indigenous) मानवहरुले

ब्रम्ह्माण्डका ग्रहहरु दायाँबाट बायाँ घुमे

जसरी आफ्ना साधन (जाँतो,घट्ट,) साथै

आफ्ना धार्मिक एवं सांस्कृतिक अनुष्ठानिक (के

लाङ,येवा लाङ,साखेवा सिलीहरु) कार्यहरु गर्दा घर

तरुलले दायाँबाट थाङग्रो चढे जस्तै दाँयाबाट

बायाँ घुम्ने विधि विधानहरु चलन

चल्तीमा ल्याएका थिए।

यी विधिविधानहरुको शुरुवात गर्ने

खाम्जिरी खाम्बोङ्सा वा सावा येत्हाङ वंशहरु

यही फक्ताङ्लुङ पेन्बेनलुङ

वरिपरि उत्पति भएका तागेरा निङ्वाफु

माङका सन्तानहरु जो वास्तविक Indigenous मानवहरु

थिए। तिनै सावा येत्हाङका सन्तानहरुले

आफ्नो पुर्ख्यौली शक्ति (Hereditary power)

द्धारा भारतीय उपमहाद्धीपको हिमालयबाट

झुल्किएर विश्वमा आफ्नो आध्यात्मिक तथा भौतिक

शक्तिको परिचय दिएका थिए।

नेपालमा भएका विभिन्न जनजातिहरुमा अहिसात्मक

संस्कारको मुन्धुम् संस्कारगत प्रमाणहरु पाइए झैं

विश्वका अन्य भागमा बस्ने

जनजातिहरुमा पनि यस्तो सत्य संस्कारको अवशेषहरु

पाइन्छ। दक्षिण अमेरिकाका मेक्सिकन इण्डियन

एजटेकहरु सर्व शक्तिमान इश्वरलाई धुप र तुलफूल मात्र

चढाउँने गर्दछन्। मध्य भारतका गोन्ध जनजातिहरु

पनि सर्वशक्तिमान इश्वरलाई घ्यू र चिनि मात्र

चढाउँछन्। बर्माको कारेन जातिहरु इश्वरलाई चामल र

फलफूल चढाउँने गर्दछन्। साइबेरियाको आस्तिक

जनजातिहरु शुद्ध इश्वर प्रार्थना मात्र गर्दछन्।

नेपालका लिम्बू जातिहरुले गाली सराप

बगाउँदा फेदाङमाले ७/८ वटा ढुङ्गा ठड्याउँछन्।

अनि अलग्गै एउटा मूल ढुङ्गा ठड्याएर सिन्दुर

सुपारी चढाउँछन्। रगतको छिटा सम्म पर्न दिँदैनन्। भुत

प्रेतहरुलाई भोग वलि दिने वेलामा इश्वरले नदेखुन भनेर

सो मूल ढुङ्गालाई सोत्तरले बेरेर ”कातक्वा ए मिक थेक्

थेक्“ भन्दै भगवानको आँखा छल्ने गरिन्छ।

नेपालमा भएका विभिन्न

जनजाति संस्कारमा सेतो रङलाई शुभ,प्रिय,पवित्र

रङ्को रुपमा मानिन्छ। भगवानलाई

सेतो फूल,सेतो कपडा,सेतो चन्दन चढाइन्छ।

बेहुला वेहुलीलाई सेतो र्ङगको वस्त्र पहिर्याइन्छ।

तामाङ,सेर्पा,थकाली,गुरुङहरु

फूलको सट्टा सेतो खादा (सेतो कपडा) प्रयोग

गर्दछन्। लोहोसार पर्व (नयाँ वर्ष)

मनाउँदा अविरको सट्टा सेतो पिठोले अभिषेक

गर्दछन्। जनजातिहरुमा सेतो रङ सत्य,शान्ति,अहि

ंसाको प्रतिक हो भन्ने मान्यता नेपाल र

विश्वका जनजातिहरुमा एकता हुनु उनीहरुको मूल

थलो एउटै हो भन्ने सङ्केत गर्दछ।

याक्थुङ लाजे लिम्बूवान नाममा फेरिनु अघि याक्थुङ

लाजेमा सावायेत्हाङ आठ राजाका सन्तानहरुले राज्य

गर्दै थिए। उनीहरुको एउटा विशेषता के थियो भने हरेक

देव देवी र प्रतिष्ठित ब्याति्कहरुको नाम “य” वर्णबाटै

राखिएको हुन्थ्यो। जस्तै याक्थुङबा,येहाङ

,युक्पुङगेन,यकलब्यहाङ,येबा,येमा,यल

म्बाहाङ,युमा आदि। सम्भवतःउनै

सावायेत्हाङका सन्तान दर सन्तानहरु नै

मुजिना खेयङनाका सन्तानहरु हुन। तिनै सुSसुवेङ

लाSलावेङ वा सुSसुवालिSलिम (ढुङ्गा माटोसंगै

जन्मिएका मूलबासी) याक्थुङबाहरुलाई नै आगन्तुक

शासकहरुले “सुSसुवा लिSमलिम” भन्दा भन्दै लिम्बू

भनिएको हुन सक्ने सम्भाब्यतालाई इतिहासकारहरुले

स्वीकारेका छन्।

सावायेत्हाङका सन्तानहरुले उत्क मुन्धुम्

श्रुति परम्परामा आधारित शास्त्रीय ऐतिहासिक

काब्यको थालनी गरेका थिए। येत्हाङ,फाङहाङ,

साम्बा,फेजिरी फेदाङमा,येवा,येमा,अङ्सी,येहाङ,

कान्देनहाङ,सिरीजंगाहाङ,थाक्थाक्कुम

माबोहाङ,तेओङ्सी सिरिजङ्गा,महागुरु फाल्गुनन्द

लिङ्देन,किरात भाषा तथा संस्कृति विशेषज्ञ

इमानसिंह चेम्जोङ साथै आत्मानन्द लिङ्देन

जस्ता इतिहास तथा मुन्धुमका ज्ञाताहरुले

संसारको सृष्टि,मानव उत्पति कथा तथा मानव

विकास र धार्मिक एवं सांस्कृतिक श्रुति परम्परालाई

एक पुस्ताबाट अर्को पुस्तामा सार्दै ल्याइ

रहेका थिए,सार्दै ल्याई रहेका छन्।

मुन्धुमले वर्णन गरे झैं हिमालमा मानवको उत्पति र

विकासबारे हिमालमा पाइएका शालीग्राम र

नवपाषणकालीन ढुङ्गाका हात हतियारहरु,ताप्ल

ेजुङ,संखुवासभा,इलाम,झापा,सुनसरी,मोरङ,उदयपुर,द

ोलखा,मुस्ताङ,रामेछाप,सुर्खेत,काभ्रेपलाञ्चोक,ल

लितपुर,तनहुँ,कास्की,पाल्पा,दाङदेउखुरी,मकवानपुर र

नवलपरासी आदि स्थानमा पाइएका छन्।

यी हतियारहरुले के सङ्केत गदर्छ भने यिनै हिमाल

पहाडको आसपास मानवको उत्पति भई

नवपाषणकालीन

युगमा यी स्थानहरुमा मानिसहरुको ब्यापक बसोबास

भइ सकेको थियो। तर गाउँघरमा आफ्ना हजारौं बर्ष

अघिका पुर्खाका ढुङ्गे हात हतियारहरु नचिनेर बज्र

ढुङ्गा (सेरिलुङ) लाई पूजा गर्ने साथै

औषधीको रुपमा प्रयोग गर्ने चलन रहेकोछ।

जनकलाल शर्माका (हाम्रो समाज एक अध्ययन पृष्ठ

३५०) अनुसार ति पाषणकालीन ढुङ्गे हतियारहरु ३०

हजार बर्ष पुरानो भएको अनुमान गरिएकोछ।

भू–गर्भशास्त्रीहरुको मत अनुसार नेपालका अधिकांस

उपत्यकाहरु तलाउका रुपमा थिए। आज भन्दा २ लाख

बर्ष अगाडी धाद्रा (भुइँचालो वा कुनै कारणले जमिन

धस्सिनु वा गतिशिल प्लेटहरु एक अर्कामा

ठोक्किनु) लागी पानी निस्किएर गएको अनुमान

गरिएको छ।

दक्षिण एशियाली महाद्धिप प्लेट र तिब्बतीय भूभाग

रहेको अर्को प्लेट दुवै गतिशिल भएको हुनाले उच्च

पहाड र उपत्यकाहरुको निर्माण भएको थियो। कुनै

कारणबस ति उपत्यकाहरुबाट पानी निस्केर गए

पछि बनेको समतल मैदानहरुलाइ मुन्धुम्मा तेम्बे

(समथल,मैदान) शब्दले पुकारिएको थियो।

कुनैपनि जातिको धर्म संस्कारसंग पात्रको नाम,स्थान

र घटना अनिवार्य जोडिएको हुन्छ। मुन्धुममा वर्णन

भएका यी तेम्बेहरुले पनि तिनै ऐतिहासिक

घटनाको प्रतिविम्ब प्रस्तुत गर्दै आएकोछ।

मुन्धुम्मा वर्णन भएका केही तेम्बेहरु :–

मुरिङला खारिङला तेम्बे,साङ्गरक नुगरक तेम्बे,चेन्जेनलुङ

तेम्बे,चिङलिङ हारा (हडा) तेम्बे,काप्लिङ

तेम्बे,मिनुताखोङ तेम्बे,तेल्लेङ तेम्बे,मुना तेम्बे,नाखोङलुङ

तेम्बे,पुङलिङ तेम्बे,फेसिङ तेम्बे,इवा हडा तेम्बे,साघोङ्लुङ

तेम्बे,खङ्फोना तेम्बे,माङ्गन् तेम्बे,सुरावेत तेम्बे,खोन्दोप्

ला तेम्बे,साजारा तेम्बे,तुङ्साबा तेम्बे,लिङ्घायक तेम्बे

र पिरिङ्गे तेम्बे जस्ता कैयौं तेम्बेहरुको वर्णन

गरिएकोछ। मुन्धुम्मा वर्णन गरिएका तेम्बेहरुमा मानव

उत्पति र मानव सभ्यताको विकास भएको विश्वास

गरिन्छ।

यसरी मुन्धुम् र भौतिकवादी तथ्यमा तारतम्य मिल्नु

संयोग मात्र नभई मुन्धुमले वर्णन गरेको चराचर जगत र

मानव सभ्यतालाई केलाउँदै जान सकियो भने

अलङ्कारिक मुन्धुमी भाषाको रहस्यमय मानव

सभ्यता पत्यार नलाग्दो तर भौतिकवादसंग मेल खाने

एउटा दस्तावेज बन्न सक्छ।

सन्दर्भ सामग्री -

१.पापोहाङ” सेर्मा चन्द्र कुमार –बि.स.२०५८–किरा

त धर्म प्रश्नोउत्तर माला भाग – १

२.पन्धाक लिम्बू जसराज –सन २००६–लिम्बू

जनजातिका जीवन पछिका जीवन

धारणा तथा अन्त्यष्टि अनुष्ठानहरु

३.लिङदेनफुङ सराही साम्बा हाङयम्बु भिम बहादुर

लिबाङ र येजिरी येफःया हाङयम्बु बिर्खबहादुर

वनेम–मुजोःक्लुङ खाजोःक्लुङ मुन्धुम्

४.अधिकारी निलम शेखर– बि.स.२०५७–नेपाल

मा जातीय आन्दोलन–आरक्षण,स्वशाासन,सङ्घिय

राज्यतर्फ–पृष्ठ–३१

मुन्धुम रहे मात्र लिम्बू समुदाय बाँच्छ सन्तोष शेर्मा "बिवश"

संघियता भनेको के हो ?

संघीयताको बहस चलिरहेको वेला मुख्य रुपमा निम्न कुराहरु बुझ्ने र बुझाउनुमा केन्द्रित हुनुपर्छ !!

( १ ) एकात्मक केन्द्रिकृत राज्य प्रणाली भनेको के हो ?
एउटा वाक्यमा भन्नु पर्दा राज्यसत्ताको सम्पूर्ण शक्ति र अधिकारहरु सबै केन्द्रमा हुने शासन प्रणालीलाई एकात्मक केन्द्रिकृत राज्य प्रणाली भनिन्छ ! एकात्मक राज्यमा सरकार र जनता बीच लामो दुरी हुन्छ अथवा सरकार जनताबाट टाढा हुन्छ त्यसैले जनताले पाउने न्युनतम सुबिधाको लागी पनि केन्द्रमा धाउनु पर्ने हुन्छ !

नेपाल पनि आजको मिति सम्म एकात्मक केन्द्रिकृत राज्य प्रणाली रहेको मुलुक हो जुन अब संघीय राज्यमा रुपान्तरण हुदैछ ! पहिले राणाहरुले केन्द्रिकृत राज्य गरे , त्यसपछी राजाले केन्द्रिकृत राज्य गरे अनि अहिले पछिल्लो चरणमा राजाको अर्को रुप कांग्रेस , एमाले र माओबादीले केन्द्रिकृत राज्य गरिरहेको छ ! नेपालमा राज्यशक्ति र अधिकार सबै सिहदरबारमा हुन्छ !

( २ ) संघियता भनेको के हो ?
एक लाइनमा भन्दा संघीयता भनेको देशका विभिन्न राज्यहरु मिलेर एउटा छाता बनाउने र त्यस अन्तर्गत रहेर आफूले आफूलाई शासन गर्ने पद्धति हो । जहाँ उनीहरु आफ्नो हकमा स्वायत्त हुन्छन् र साझा सवालमा आपसमा अनुबन्धीत पनि हुन्छन् । अर्थात् यो एक खालको महासंघीय ढाँचा हो ।

संसारमा संघीयराज्यका विभिन्न स्वरुपहरु छन् । मुलतः संघीयराज्यको शक्ति बाँडफाँडको नियमलाई तेर्सो समानान्तर प्रणाली र एकात्मक राज्यको शक्ति बाँडफाँडको नियमलाई ठाडो प्रणाली । अर्थात् संघीय प्रणालीमा राज्यको शक्तिको बाँडफाँड समानान्तर हिसावले हुन्छ भने एकात्मक राज्यमा माथिबाट तलतिर हुन्छ । अतः संघीय राज्यको अर्थ हरेक एकाईलाई आफ्नो मामलामा आफैले निर्णय गर्न पाउने स्वतन्त्रता, आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार र आफ्नो हकमा आफ्नो कानून आफैले बनाउन र कार्यन्वयन गर्न पाउने स्वायत्तताको अधिकारसम्म हुन्छ । तिनै राज्यहरु मिलेर एउटा संघ बन्छ र सो संघले केन्द्रको रुपमा काम गर्दछ, जसलाई राज्यहरुले नै केन्द्रीय संघको रुपमा निश्चित अधिकारहरु प्रदान गरेको हुन्छ ।

केन्द्रले आफ्नो तजविजले आफ्नो अधिकार तल्लो निकायलाई प्रत्यायोजन गर्ने प्रणालीलाई विकेन्द्रीकरण भनिन्छ । एकात्मक राज्य व्यवस्था त्यही प्रक्रियाबाट चल्ने हो । तर संघीय राज्यहरु आफूमा समानान्तर ढंगले चल्दछन् । यसैकारण विकेन्द्रीकरण र शक्तिको साझेदारिता फरक फरक कुरा हुन् तर धेरैले एउटै अर्थमा बुझ्ने र बोल्ने गर्दछन् जुन एकदम गलत हो । त्यसैकारण विकेन्द्रीकरणमा माथिको अधिकार तल प्रत्यायोजित मात्र हुन्छ तर संघीय राज्यमा भने संघराज्यहरुका वीच समानताका आधारमा अधिकारहरु बाँडफाँड हुन्छन् र ती राज्यहरुले मिलेर केन्द्रलाई केही साझा अधिकारहरु जो एउटा संयुक्त र साझा केन्द्रका हिसावले गर्नुपर्ने र गर्नसक्ने अधिकारहरु हुन्छन्, दिएको हुन्छ । अंगे्रजीको ‘फेडरल’ शव्दको अर्थ संघहरुको शक्तिशाली केन्द्रीकृत सत्ताको निर्माण हो जहाँ संघहरु स्वतन्त्र र समान् हुन्छन् । अंग्रेजीमा ‘युनियन’ र ‘कन्फेडरेशन’ शव्द पनि प्रयोग हुने गरेका छन् । सर्बोच्च सोभियत ‘युनियन’ हुन् भने अमेरिका र स्वीजरल्याण्ड भने ‘कन्फेडरेशन’ हुन् । त्यसैले संघीय राज्यको अर्थ, हरेक संघीय इकाई आफ्नो मामलामा आपसमा स्वायत्त हुने र साझा हितका मामलामा आपसमा अनुबन्धित रहने पद्धति हो । यसता संघीय देशहरुमा केहीमा केन्द्र (संघ) बलियो हुन्छ भने केहीमा प्रान्त (राज्य) हरु बलियो हुने प्रणाली छ । भारतमा केन्द्र बलियो छ भने स्वीजरल्याण्डमा क्यान्टनहरु बलिया छन् ।

( ३ ) संघियता कति प्रकारको हुन्छ ?
बिश्वमा संघीय राज्यहरुको निर्माण दुई किसिमले भएको पाइन्छ ! पहिलेका स्वतन्त्र राज्यहरुले आपसमा समझदारी , सम्झौता वा सन्धि गरेर संघ निर्माण गरेका थिए ! यस्तो संघीय राज्याहरुमा संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका , स्विट्जरल्यान्ड , अस्ट्रेलिया , सोभियतसंघ लगायतका पुराना संघीय राज्यहरु पर्दछन् ! यसलाई राज्यहरु संगै आउने बिधि (Coming Together) पनि भनिन्छ !

अर्को पहिले एउटै एकाइको रुपमा शासित हुदै आएको एकात्मक राज्यहरुलाई बिभिन्न उप एकाइहरूमा बिभाजन गरी केन्द्र र प्रदेश बीच अधिकारको बाडफाड सहित संरचना खडा भएका छन् ! यस्तो संघीय राज्यहरुमा भारत , बेल्जियम , स्पेन , अस्ट्रेलिया आदि छन् ! यसलाई जातिगत , भाषिक एबं धार्मिक , भौगोलिक बिबिधता बीच राज्यलाई खण्डित हुन बाट जोगाउन राज्यलाई संगै राख्ने बिधि (Holding Together) पनि भनिन्छ ! त्यसैले संघियतालाई जाती , भाषा , सस्कृति , ईतिहास र बिबिधता सम्बन्धि समश्यालाई सम्बोधन गर्ने सबै भन्दा राम्रो राज्ययन्त्र मानिन्छ !

अहिले हाम्रो नेपाल पनि यहि बिधि बाट संघिय प्रणाली तिर जादैछ !
प्रदेशले स्वतन्त्र पहिचान र सार्बभौम अधिकार राखी सम्झौता मार्फत केही अधिकार संघलाई प्रदान गर्ने व्यवस्था भए त्यसलाई महासंघ भनिन्छ ! बेलायती उपनिवेश बाट स्वतन्त्र भए पछी सन् १७७६ देखि १७८७ सम्मको संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका र सन् १२९१ देखि १८४८ सम्मको स्विट्जरल्यान्ड यस्तै महासंघ थियो ! वर्तमान अवस्थामा युरोपियन युनियनलाई महासंघको नमुना मान्न सकिन्छ ! महासंघीय प्रणाली अन्तर्गत केन्द्रिय सरकारको स्वतन्त्र संबैधानिक हैसियत तथा अधिकार हुदैन ! यसले आफ्नो संघीय एकाई बाट अधिकार प्राप्त गर्दछ ! त्यसको बिपरित केन्द्रले प्रदेश माथि हस्तक्षेप गर्न सक्ने व्यवस्था भए त्यस्तो मुलुकलाई अर्धसंघात्मक भनिन्छ ! भारत , पाकिस्तान , मलेसिया आदि देशहरु यहि श्रेणीमा पर्दछन् !

संघीय एकाइहरुमा आफ्नो मामिला ब्यबस्थापन गर्नमा संघीय सरकारको भूमिका न्यून वा गौण र संघीय एकाईको भूमिका बढी महत्वपूर्ण भयो भने त्यस्तो संघियतालाई प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक संघियता भनिन्छ ! यदि संघीय सरकारले नै संघीय तथा प्रादेशिक नीति प्रस्तुत गर्ने वा निर्माण गर्ने गर्छ भने त्यसलाई पीडक संघियता (Coercive Federalism) भनिन्छ !

यदि संघीय एकाईले केन्द्रको अनुमति वा केन्द्र बाट मात्र शक्ति प्राप्त गर्दछन् भने त्यसलाई अनुमतीय संघियता भनिन्छ ! त्यस्तै संघ र प्रदेश मिलेर वा संयुक्त रुपमा नीति निर्माण कार्य गर्नेलाई सहकारी संघियता भनिन्छ ! इथियोपिया , दक्षिण अफ्रीका , जर्मनी , भेनेजुयला , बेल्जियम यसका नमुना हुन् !

यसरि संघियतामा दई किसिमले शक्ति बाडफाड भएको देखिन्छ !
( १ ) शास्त्रीय मोडेल – जहाँ प्रदेशले स्वतन्त्र रुपमा निश्चित अधिकार उपभोग गर्दछन जस्तै अस्ट्रेलिया , क्यानाडा , संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका !
( २ ) अन्तर-बन्धन (Interlocking)संघीय मोडेल – जहाँ संघले मोडेल कानुन बनाउछ र प्रदेशले आफ्नो परिस्थिति अनुसार बिस्तृत कानुन बनाउछ ! जर्मनी र दक्षिण अफ्रिकामा प्रदेशले संघीय कानुनी कार्यक्रमलाई कार्यान्वयन गर्दछ !

कुनै कुनै देशले बिभाजन र बिखन्डनका मागलाई रोक्ने उपायका रुपमा असममित संघबाद (Assymetrical Federalsim) अपनाएको हुन्छ ! यस्तो संघमा केही प्रदेशले अन्य प्रदेशको तुलनामा बिशेष हैसियत र अधिकार पाएका हुन्छन ! क्यानाडाको फ्रेन्चभाषी क्युबेक , भारतको जम्मु कश्मिर र पपुवा न्यु गिनिमा वगेन्भेल्ला यसका उदाहरण हुन् ! असममित संघियतामा आकार , जनसंख्या , भौगोलिक आयतन वा अन्य कुनै बिशेषताहरुलाई ध्यानमा नराखी सबै संघीय एकाइहरूलाई समान अधिकार र केन्द्रमा समान प्रतिनिधित्वको व्यवस्था गरिएको हुन्छ !
संघियतालाई व्यक्तिगत वा सास्कृतिक तथा भौगोलिक संघियतामा पनि बिभाजन गरिन्छ ! भूगोलबिना समुदायलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने संघियता नै सास्कृतिक वा व्यक्तिगत संघियता हो ! भारतमा मुस्लिम समुदायले उपभोग गरिरहेको यहि हो ! जाती , भाषा वा पहिचानका आधारमा देशको भूगोललाई संघीय एकाइमा बिभाजन गरिएमा त्यसलाई जातीय संघियता भनिन्छ तर मानबिय भूगोललाई ध्यानमा नराखी भूगोल मात्र बाडेमा त्यसलाई प्रशासनिक संघियता भनिन्छ ! बिश्वमा जातीय , भाषिक वा सस्कृति बिबिधता भएको मुलुकमा संघीय एकाइको निर्धारण गर्दा सकेसम्म त्यसलाई जातीय , भाषिक तथा सास्कृतिक रुपमा समरुपी बनाउने अभ्यास रहेको छ ! यसले राष्ट्रिय रुपमा बाहुल्य जातीलाई मात्र हैन , राष्ट्रिय जनसंख्यामा अल्पसंख्या भए पनि क्षेत्रीय रुपमा बाहुल्य जातीलाई लोकतान्त्रिक प्रक्रिया मार्फत स्वशासनको अभ्यास गर्ने अवसर उपलब्ध गराउछ !!

( ४ ) संघीयताको बिशेषताहरु के के हुन ?
संघियतामा दुई तहको सरकार हुन्छ ! सम्पूर्ण देशका लागी राष्ट्रिय सरकार र निश्चित क्षेत्रका प्रादेशिक वा राज्य सरकार हुन्छ ! संघियतामा प्रत्येक तहको सरकारको मतदाताहरुसंग स्वतन्त्र सम्बन्ध हुन्छ ! क्षेत्रीय संरचनाद्वारा मात्र संघीय ब्यबस्थापिका र कार्यपालिका बन्दैन तर संघियतामा एकात्मक ब्यबस्थाको बिपरित केन्द्रिय सरकारमा क्षेत्रीय दृष्टिकोण र प्रतिनिधित्व हुन्छ ! संघीय राज्याहरुमा सामान्यतया संघ र राज्यहरुमा अलग अलग संबिधान संबिधान हुने गर्छ ! संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका , स्विट्जरल्यान्ड , क्यानाडा , अस्ट्रेलिया , अस्ट्रिया , रुस , दक्षिण अफ्रीका आदि देशहरुमा संघ र प्रदेशको अलग अलग संबिधान छन् ! आ-आफ्नो झन्डा र आआफ्नै राज्य प्रतीक चिन्ह पनि हुन्छ तर भारत , पाकिस्तान , मलेसिया , स्पेन , बेल्जियम लगायतका कतिपय देशहरुमा एउटै संबिधानमा नै संघ र प्रदेशको व्यवस्था गरिएको छ ! संघीय राज्यमा संघ र प्रदेशहरु बीच राज्यशक्ति र अधिकार संबैधानिक रुपमा नै बाडफाड हुनुको साथै एकपक्षीय रुपमा खोस्न नसक्ने व्यवस्था हुन्छ !प्रदेशलाई प्रभाब पार्ने बिषयमा संबिधान संसोधन गर्नु परेमा संघीय ब्यबस्थापिका र प्रादेशिक ब्यबस्थापिकाको बहुमतद्वारा निर्णय गर्नु पर्दछ ! संघीय राज्यमा सार्बभौमसत्ता पनि संघ र प्रदेसहरुमा बिभाजित गरिएको हुन्छ ! लिखित संबिधानद्वारा दुबै तहका सरकालाई विधायिकी तथा बित्तिय अधिकार बाडफाड गरिन्छ र त्यस्ता संघियता सम्बन्धि संबैधानिक प्राबधानहरुलाई राज्यका साथै केन्द्रिय सरकारको सारभूत सहमतिबिना परिवर्तन गर्न सकिन्न !

सामान्यतया संघीय राज्यमा संगीय प्रदेशहरु , जनसंख्या , भौगोलिक आकार , स्रोतहरु आदि कुराहरुमा सानाठूला जे भए पनि संघभित्र समान हैसियत राख्दछन् ! साथै केन्द्रिय ब्यबस्थापिकामा समानान्तर दुई वटा सदनको व्यवस्था भएको हुन्छ जसको सिनेट वा राष्ट्रियसभा वा राज्यसभामा प्रत्येक प्रदेशबाट बराबरी संख्यामा प्रतिनिधि पठाउने र जनप्रतिनिधि सभामा जनसंख्याको अनुपात अनुसार प्रतिनिधि पठाउने व्यवस्था हुन्छ ! सामान्यतया संघीय शासन प्रणाली अन्तर्गत प्रदेशमा स्वशासन/स्वायत्तता र केन्द्रमा साझा शासनको व्यवस्था गरिएको हुन्छ ! केन्द्र र प्रदेशको सरकारहरुले आ-आफ्नो क्षेत्राधिकार भित्र रही सरकार सन्चालन गरेका हुन्छन् ! संबिधानमा उल्लेख नभएका अधिकारहरु जसलाई अबसिष्ट अधिकार (Residual Power) भनिन्छ , सामान्यतया प्रदेशहरुसंग सुरक्षित राखिन्छ ! संघ र प्रदेशबीच वा अन्तरप्रदेशबीच विवाद उत्पन्न भएमा आपसी समझदारीबाट सुल्झाउने सरकारी संयन्त्रहरुको व्यवस्था गरिएको हुन्छ तर नटुंगिएमा ब्यबस्थापिकाको माथिल्लो सदन वा संबैधानिक अदालत वा जनमत संग्रह गरेर टुंगाउने व्यवस्था गरिन्छ ! संघीय शासन प्रणालीमा विवाद वा द्वन्द समाधानको लागी बिभिन्न प्रकारका संयन्त्र निर्माण गर्न जरुरि हुन्छ !

स्थानीय निकायको गठन प्रदेशको क्षेत्राधिकार भित्र राखिएको हुन्छ ! संघीय शासनलाई केन्द्र र प्रदेशबीचको सम्झौताको उपज मानिन्छ र प्रदेश/राज्यहरुको सदस्यतामा संघको निर्माण हुन्छ ! सामान्य प्रचलनमा संघियतामा दुई तह संघ र प्रदेश हुन्छ र यी दुबै मुलत नीति निर्माणका अंगहरु मानिन्छ र स्थानीय तहलाई कार्यन्वयन गर्ने कायर्कारी निकायको रुपमा मानिन्छ ! थोरै देशमा मात्र स्थानीय निकायको व्यवस्था केन्द्रिय संबिधानमा गरिएको हुन्छ !

संघीय पद्दतिको द्वैध संरचनामा सहयोग भन्दा प्रतिद्वन्दिता बढ्न सक्ने भएको यस्त नहोस भन्नाखातिर संघ प्रदेशहरुको सम्बन्धलाई सहयोग , अन्तरनिर्भरता र परिपुरकताको आधारमा हेर्ने प्रयत्न थालिएको छ ! अफ्रीकाको संबिधानमै यो अबधारणा अपनाएकोले त्यहाको संघीय पद्दतीलाई सहयोगात्मक संघबाद भनिन्छ ! प्राय संघीय राज्यहरुमा कम्जोर प्रदेशलाई आर्थिक समानीकरणको लक्ष हासिल गर्न बित्तिय आयोग वा क्षेत्रीय नीति बनाएको पनि देखिन्छ !

सामान्यतया संघियता जाती , भाषा , सस्कृति वा ऐतिहासिक भूगोलमा आधारित भौगोलिक क्षेत्रीय संघियता (Territorial Federation) हुन्छ ! ज्यादै मिश्रित बोसोबस भएका मुलुकहरुमा गैरक्षेत्रीय सांसकृतिक वा व्यक्तिगत संघियता (Non-Territorial Federation) को अभ्यास पनि गरिएको छ ! यस्तोमा ति समुहरुको संख्यात्मक बहुमतको आधारमा नभएर सहमतिका आधारमा सत्ता साझेदारी गर्ने शासकीय संयन्त्र निर्माण गरिन्छ ! यस्ती प्रणालीलाई सत्ता साझेदारी गठबन्धन (Consociation) भनिन्छ !

यदि बहुभाषिक देशमा संघीय शासन प्रणाली छन् भने त्यस्ता अधिकाशं देशमा दुई वा दुई भन्दा बढी सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा अर्थात् बहुभाषा नीति अवलम्बन गरिएका छन् ! भाषाको प्रयोग त्यो भाषाको विकास र राज्यको क्षमतामा पनि भर पर्दछ !!

( ५ ) नेपालमा किन संघीय राज्य प्रणाली आवस्यक परेको हो ?
नेपालमा वर्गीय, जातीय एवं भाषिक विभेद र असमानता चरणचुलीमा पुगेको छ जसलाई सम्बोधन गर्न नसके मुलुक लामो वर्गीय एवं जातीय द्धन्दमा फँस्ने स्थिति रहेको छ । त्यस्तै नेपालको विगत लामो एकात्मक केन्द्रीकृत शासनका कारण मुलुकमा क्षेत्रीय विभेदले सिमा नाघेको अवस्था छ जसलाई सम्बोधन नगरी नेपालको समग्र विकास सम्भव छैन । विगतमा एकात्मक शासनका कारण केन्द्रमा भएको शक्तिको केन्द्रीकरणले मुलुक भनेको काठमाडौ मात्रै हो, अरु यसका उपनिवेश मात्र हुन् भन्ने जनतामा गहिरो प्रभाव परेको छ त्यसैले जनताको तल्लो तहसम्म अधिकारको पत्यायोजन र स्थानीय जनतामा सार्वभौमसत्ता व्यवहारमा नै हस्तान्तरण गर्न नेपालमा संघीय राज्य प्रणाली आवश्यक परेको हो ! लोकतन्त्र , गणतन्त्र र धर्मनिरपेक्षलाई स्थागत गर्नको लागी पनि नेपालमा संघियता अपरिहार्य भएको छ !
एकात्मक राज्यले आदिबासी जनजातीहरुको भाषा , लिपि , धर्म , सस्कृति (पहिचान) लाई मेटाउदै आइरहेको र कतिको त समग्र पहिचान नै बिलय हुने अवस्थामा पुगेकोले उक्त पहिचानहरुको संरक्षण र विकास एबं सबै बिभेदको अन्त्य गर्दै मुलुकलाई विकासको गतिमा अगाडी लानको लागी नेपालमा संघियताको आवश्यकता परेको हो !!

( ६ ) काङ्ग्रेस एमालेले अगाडी सारेको भुगोल र सामार्थ्यको आधारमा संघीयता भनेको कस्तो हो ?
कांग्रेस एमालेले अगाडी सारेको भुगोल र सामार्थ्यको आधारमा संघियता भनेको राजा महेन्द्र र बिरेन्द्रले १४ अन्चल र ७५ जिल्ला बिभाजन गरे जस्तै मनाबिय भुगोललाई प्राथमिकता नदिई केवल भुगोललाई मात्र आधार मानेर संघियता निर्माण गर्ने भन्ने हो ! धेरै प्रदेश बनाउदा सामार्थ्यले धान्दैन भन्ने त केवल एउटा बहाना मात्र हो किनकी कम प्रदेश बनाउनुमा उनीहरुको स्वार्थ अर्कै छ !सरल भाषामा बुझ्नु पर्दा कांग्रेस एमालेले भनेको कथित् बहुपहिचान सहितको संघियतामा ५ वा ७ परदेश बनाउने अनि प्रान्तीय सरकार गठन गर्दा ति सबै प्रदेशहरुको नेतृत्वमा (गभर्नर देखि मुख्य मन्त्रीसम्म) एउटै जाती , एउटै धर्म र एउटै सस्कृति मान्नेहरु हुने गरी ग्रयाण्ड डिजाइन गरिएको छ ! यसरि ५/७ प्रदेशमा एउटै जातीको नेतृत्व हुनु भनेको अहिलेको एकात्मक नेपालमा १२% जनसंख्या रहेको खसआर्य समुदायको राज्य सत्तामा ८६% पकड रहेको जस्तै हुनु हो ! यो केवल नामको संघियता हुनु हो र यस्तो खाले संघियता नेपालको बिभितालाई सम्बोधन गर्ने र बिभेदको न्युनिकरण गर्दै अन्त्य गर्ने सवालमा पूर्ण असफल हुनेछ र पुन नेपालको समस्या अहिले जस्तै रहनेछ !!

( ७ ) एमाओबादी लगाएत पहिचान सहितको संघीयता पक्षधरहरुले आगाडी सारेको ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभुमिको आधारमा जातिय पहिचान सहितको संघीयता भनेको कस्तो हो ?
कुनै पनि जाती (राष्ट्र) भन्ने बितिक्कै उसको पछाडी त्यहाको भूगोल संग अविछिन्न इतिहास जोडिएको हुन्छ ! जस्तै प्रस्तावित ताम्सालिङमा बसोबास गर्ने तामाङ समुदायलाई त्यहाँ कसैले ल्याएर राखेको नभई ति बस्तीहरु ऐतिहासिक मानब बस्तीहरु हुन ! त्यहि ऐतिहासिक जाति/रास्ट्रको त्यो भूमि संग नङ्ग र मासुको झैँ सम्बन्ध जोडिएको हुनाले त्यहि ऐतिहासिक बिरासत इतिहासलाई सम्मान गर्न ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभूमिको आधारमा जातीय पहिचान अनुसार संघहरुको नाम राख्ने गरिन्छ , राखिनु पर्दछ ! संघीय इकाईको नाम राख्ने सवालमा बहुजातीय मुलुकहरुमा रास्ट्रिय तथा अन्तरास्ट्रिय रुपमा प्रचलित र सर्बस्विकार्य बैज्ञानिक बिधि यहि नै हो हो !

यी त भए ऐतिहासिक पृष्टभुमिको आधारमा प्रदेश/ राज्यको नाम राख्ने एउटा आधार तर यहाँ नेर बुझ्नु पर्ने महत्वपूर्ण कुरा कांग्रेस एमालेले नामको बारेमा निकालेको बखेडा त केवल बहाना वा सार मात्र हो , यसको भित्रि रुप वा पुरा वास्तविकता अर्कै छ ! कांग्रेस एमालेको भित्रि वा प्रमुख बिमति भनेको प्रदेशको सिमाना छुट्याउदा जातीय ऐतिहासिक पृष्टभुमिको आधारमा नभई भूगोललाई मात्र प्रमुख आधार बनाएर छुट्याउनु पर्छ भन्ने हो किनकी जातीय ऐतिहासिक पृष्टभुमिको आधारमा सिमाना छुट्याऊदा ईतिहास देखि संगै बस्दै आएको आदिबासीहरुको भुगोलहरुलाई एकै ठाउँमा जोडेर एउटै सिमाना बन्न जान्छ ! जस्तै तामाङहरुको ऐतिहासिक भुगोललाई जोडेर ताम्सालिङ प्रदेश , मगरहरुको ऐतिहासिक भुगोललाई जोडेर मगरात त्यस्तै त्यस्तै अरु पनि !

पहिचानबादीहरुले सस्थागत गर्न खोजेको संघियता यस्तै हुन ! यदि यस्तो मोडेल अपनाएर प्रदेश/राज्यहरु निर्माण गरेमा आज सम्म एकात्मक नेपालमा समाबेसी रुपमा सत्तामा प्रतिनिधित्व हुन नसकेका आदिबासी जनजाती , मधेसी , महिला , दलित , मुस्लिम , अल्पसंख्यक तथा उत्पीडित क्षेत्रबाट पनि समाबेसी तरिकाले प्रान्तीय सरकार वा सरकारका बिभिन्न निकायहरुमा प्रतिनिधित्व सुनिश्चित हुनेछ ! प्रान्तीय सरकार गठन हुदा कांग्रेस एमालेले भने जस्तो एउटै जातीको नेतृत्व रहिरहने खालको नभई सबै जातजति , बर्ग , लिंग र क्षेत्रको प्रतिनिधित्व हुने समाबेसी ढाचाको हुनेछ ! उदाहरणको लागी ताम्सालिङ प्रदेशको सबै निकायमा तामाङ , बाहुन , क्षेत्री लगायत सबै जातजतिको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व हुनेछ ! पहिलो संबिधानसभामा ILO 169 को आधारमा जल जमिन र जंगल माथि आदिबासीहरुको अग्राधिकार हुने कुराहरु उठ्दा कांग्रेस र एमालेले पहिचानबादीलाई अतिबादी भन्दै जनमानसमा भ्रम फैलाउदै समाजमा एक किसिमको त्रास पैदा गर्दै लग्यो जुन आज सम्म बिद्यमान छ त्यसैले यसको बारेमा पनि जनता सामु स्पष्ट रुपमा प्रस्ट पार्न जरुरि छ !

( ८ ) जात र जाती बीच के फरक छ ? के जात र जातीले एउटै अर्थ जनाउछ ?
यो प्रश्नको जवाफको लागी हामिले जात र जातीको अलग अलग परिभाषालाई बुझ्नु पर्ने हुन्छ ! परिभाषा निम्नानुसार छन् !

जात भनेको के हो ?
@ जात भन्ने सब्द हिन्दुहरुमा पाईने ठुलो वा सानो देखाउने वर्णश्रम बर्गिकरणलाई जनाउने सब्द नै “जात” हो ! यस किसिमको वर्णश्रम बर्गिकरण बिशेषता अन्य जाति, समुदाय र धर्ममा पाईदैन ! हिन्दु धर्म अनुसार – ब्रम्हा, क्षेत्री , बैस्य र सुद्र गरि ४ भाग वा बर्णमा बिभाजन गरिएको छ ! अत: तामाङ , राई , लिम्बु , मगर भनेको जात हैन जाती हो !

@ जाति वा राष्ट्र भनेको के हो ?
मानब समाज सभ्यताको बिकासको क्रममा हूण/गण हुँदै कबिला अवस्था बाट बिकसित भै बनेको मानब समाजको सर्बकृष्ट बिकासको चरण नै जाति हो ! जाति भनेको नै राष्ट्र हो ; जसको अन्त्य हुदैन !

जाति/राष्ट्र बन्नको लागि निम्न बिशेशतहरु पुरा भएको हुनु पर्दछ :-
(क) दुई वा दुई भन्दा धेरै गण/कबिलाहरुको सम्मिश्रण भएको,
(ख) साझा भाषा भएको,
(ग) साझा ऐतिहासिक थातथलो भूगोल भएको,
(घ) ऐतिहासिक कालखण्डमा छुट्टै राज्य भएको,
(N ) साझा रितिरिवाज , परम्परा , धर्म , सस्कार , सस्कृति आदि भएको,
(च) मौलिक बिशेषता अन्य जातिको भन्दा फरक भएको,
(छ) हामी यो जाति हौ भनि मानसिक तथा बैज्ञानिक हिसाबले सामुहिक गर्ब गर्ने गरिएको,
(ज) पृथक पहिचान भएको,
(झ) अविछिन्न इतिहास भएको आदि आदि थुप्रै बिशेसताले युक्त भएकोलाई जाति/राष्ट्र भनिन्छ !

जाति/राष्ट्र मानब समाज विकास क्रमको सबै उच्चतम अवस्था हो ! जस्तै ; लिम्बु जाति/राष्ट्र, राई जाति/राष्ट्र, थारु जाति/राष्ट्र आदि आदि…!

अत: जात र जातीको अर्थ अलग अलग हुन्छ त्यसैले यी दुईलाई एउटै अर्थमा बुझ्दा अर्थको अनर्थ बुझ्न जान्छ र आज सम्म भएको पनि त्यही नै हो ! पहिचानमा आधारित संघियता बिरोधिहरु जात र जातीलाई एउटै टोकरीमा राखेर एउटै अर्थ लगाउछन् अनि पहिचान पक्षधरलाई जातीय कुरा गर्यो भन्ने आरोप लगाउछन् ! त्यस्ता बिरोधिहरुको लागी यो लेख उपयोगी हुन सक्छ !!

History of Limbuwan

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The History of Limbuwan ( Nepali: लिम्बुवानको ईतिहास ) is characterised by the close interaction of Limbuwan with its neighbours; independent and semi-independent rule characterized by autonomy for most of its time.

Limbuwan and her history have never had much coverage in the government of Nepal's textbooks, in which the focus has been on the history of the Kathmandu valley (also called the Nepal valley or simply Nepal). Although Limbuwan is now part of Nepal, it was independent until 1774; even now, the history of Limbuwan remains unknown to many of its people. People of Limbuwan and Nepalese citizens in the present context of federalism and autonomy in Nepal do not understand that of all the territories annexed by the kings of Gorkha, Limbuwan was the only territory that was actually incorporated to the Kingdom of Nepal by the means of collective Gorkha-Limbuwan Treaty with the kings of ten kingdoms of Limbuwan and their ministers. Under the terms of the treaty, Limbuwan and her kings would accept the King of Nepal as their overlord and stay under the same Nepalese flag, but Limbuwan and her people were supposed to be completely autonomous with non-interference from the Kingdom of Nepal. However, over the period of the Shah dynasty, Limbuwan was gradually stripped of its original treaty rights. Therefore, the people of Limbuwan today are the most vocal proponents of federalism with autonomy in Nepal.

Contents [hide]
1 Pre-history
2 Bhauiputahang dynasty
3 Bazdeo dynasty
4 The era of eight kings
5 The era of ten Limbu kings (550–1609)
6 Ten kings of Limbuwan
7 The era of the Lasahang dynasty
8 The era of King Sirijunga (880–915)
9 The period of the ten kings after King Sirijunga
10 The Sanglaing dynasty kings
11 The era of divided Limbuwan (1609–1741)
12 The era of the Namgyal dynasty in eastern and northern Limbuwan (1641–1741)
13 The era of the Sen dynasty in western and southern Limbuwan (1609-1769)
14 The era of the Shah dynasty in Limbuwan
15 The republican era and now in Limbuwan
16 Future of Limbuwan
17 References
17.1 Bibliography
18 See also
Pre-history[edit]
Anthropologists and historians claim that the fossil records show that people lived in Nepal around 30-40 thousand years ago. The first people of Limbuwan and Eastern Nepal could have been that batch of people too. The first people to live permanently and call Limbuwan their home were the Kirant people. These Mongoloid people are believed to have moved into Nepal from the east from Assam valley and beyond around 6-8 thousand years ago. They practiced shifting cultivation and moved with their domesticated pigs and other animals along the lower, warmer hills. The same people moved on to western Nepal and eventually conquered the Kathmandu valley to establish the first Kirant civilization of Nepalese history. They spoke the language of their Tibeto-Burman Ancestry and practiced animistic religion.

Bhauiputahang dynasty[edit]
King Bhauiputahang of Limbuwan - first independent king of Limbuwan (c. 580 BC)

King Jitedasti became the seventh Kiranti king in central Nepal around 580 BC. Kirant chiefs under King Jitedasti in the present-day Limbuwan area revolted against him and ceased to see him as their overlord. During that period all the Kirant chiefs used to pay monetary tribute and rendered military service to the Kirant kings of the Kathmandu valley. The system was similar to the feudal system in medieval Europe. After the revolts, the Kirant chiefs of eastern Nepal elected Bhauiputahang as their new king. King Bhauiputahang built his capital in Phedap and ruled eastern Nepal which comprised present-day Limbuwan.

While central Nepal was ruled by kings of the Kirant dynasty, Limbuwan in east Nepal was also ruled by kings of Kirant dynasty (the ancestors of thr present Kirant Limbu people). King Bhauiputahang was renowned in the Limbuwan and eastern parts of Nepal, while King Jitedasti sat on the throne in the Kathmandu valley.

King Parbatak of Limbuwan / Eastern Nepal (c. 317 BC)

A descendant of King Bhauiputahang, King Parbatak was a son of King Jeitehang and ruled Limbuwan around 317 BC. During that period, King Parbatak was the most powerful king of the Himalayan region and present-day Nepal. King Parbatak was allied with Chandra Gupta Maurya of Magadha, and also assisted him in his military campaigns in the Nanda kingdom. During his father King Jiete’s rule, Alexander the great had invaded India and established his satraps in Punjab and Sindh. King Parbatak assisted King Chandra Gupta Maurya in driving the Greek Satraps Seleucus (military governor) away from Punjab and Sindh. For King Parbatak’s assistance to Chandra Gupta, he gave lands in northern Bihar to King Parbatak and many Kiranti people migrated to northern Bihar during that period. They became known as Madhesia Kirant people, or Limbus of Kashi Gotra. King Parbatak Hang is also mentioned by Magadha historians as an ally of Maurya Emperor.

King Samyuk of Limbuwan / Eastern Nepal (c. 125 BC)

After seven generations of King Parbatak, King Samyuk sat on the throne of Limbuwan / Eastern Nepal. He was unpopular among the descendants of Madhesia Kirant people (descendants of those who lived in Bihar in King Parbatak’s time). Under the leadership of Bazdeohang, people revolted against King Samyuk and overthrew him. The Kirant chiefs elected Bazdeo as the new king of Limbuwank.

Bazdeo dynasty[edit]
King Bazdeohang of Limbuwan (c. 125 BC on)

After the revolution of the Kirant people of Limbuwan area, the Kirant chiefs of the region elected the rebel leader Bazdeohang as their king. He made his capital at Libang and started his own dynasty. He was followed by twelve other kings of his dynasty:

King Sangkhadeo I
King Sangkhadeo II
King Dewapour
King Bhichuuk
King Ghangtuk
King Sotumhang
King Limdung
King Lijehang
King Mapunhang
King Dendehang
King Kundungjapa
King Kundungjapa of Limbuwan
The last king of the Bazdeo dynasty had four sons: Mundhungge, Sandhungge, Kane Hang and Kochu Hang. It is said that Kochu Hang migrated to North Bengal and established his own kingdom, Kochpiguru, from where the term Koch is derived. After the death of King Kundungjapa, Limbuwan fell into chaos and anarchy, each chief ruling their own areas independently.

The era of eight kings[edit]
From the time of the last king of the Bazdeo dynasty, Limbuwan was ruled by eight chiefs and their descendants; none of them rose to become powerful enough to subdue all and none came to prominence. During this period, people migrated in and out of the Limbuwan region and around the 6th century AD, a group of people from the Shan-Makwan areas in China and Burma moved to Assam in India and eventually to the Limbuwan area in Nepal. The assimilation of the original Kirants of Limbuwan, the migrants from Tibet, the Mongols and the tribes from the Bihar area and finally the migrant people of Shan-Makwan gave birth to the new nation of Limbuwan, the nationality of Limbu and Limbu culture.

The revolution of the Kiranti people in Limbuwan

During the latter years of the rule of the eight Kiranti chiefs, the population of Limbuwan multiplied and families increased in number. Feeling that this was a threat, the eight rulers started to suppress the people. When the descendants of the Shan Mokwan people (the latest immigrants to Limbuwan) could not stand this any longer they devised a plan to overthrow the eight chiefs. They met at Ambe Pojoma and decided to revolt against the eight chiefs. The rebel leaders erected three stone pillars and planted three mango trees around them. After sprinkling holy waters, the rebel leaders and the rebel army took an oath that everyone would fight against the tyrant chiefs and would not return home until they had beaten the rulers. The meeting place of Ambe Pojoma still exists to this day, and the battle of eight chiefs is incorporated in Limbu Mundhum ever since.

After knowing that the rebellion was breaking out in their country; the eight rulers raised their own army and aimed at massacring and displacing people of Shan-Mokwan descent. The great civil war broke out between the eight rulers of Limbuwan and the rebels of Limbuwan. The army of eight rulers were defeated in every village by the rebels. All the eight rulers were either killed or chased away from Limbuwan territory.

The era of ten Limbu kings (550–1609)[edit]
Thus, with unity and strength, the Kirant people of Shan Mokwan origin defeated their rulers. After their victory, the rebel leaders assembled once again at their holy place Ambe Pojoma. The leaders fixed the northern boundary to be in Tibet, the southern boundary in JalalGarh in Bihar, the eastern boundary at the river Teesta and the western boundary at the Dudhkoshi River. Later the boundaries of Limbuwan came to rest at the Arun river in the west and Kanchenjunga mountain and the Mechi river in the east.

The meeting of rebel leaders decided to name the recently acquired country Limbuwan as it was won by the strength of a bow and arrow (Li = "bow", ambu = "acquire" in the Limbu language). They also decided to divide Limbuwan into ten districts or kingdoms and place ten kings to rule each kingdom. They also agreed to defend Limbuwan from any external threat by rendering military assistance from all the ten kingdoms. They changed the name of their nationality to Yakthumba. Originally at the beginning only the kings of Limbuwan were called Limbus and the people of Limbuwan were called Yakhthungba, but over time the people of Limbuwan started calling themselves Limbu. Thus, the term Limbu and Yakthungba became synonymous.

This period in Limbuwan history corresponds to the Lichhavi and Malla dynasty periods in the Nepal Valley.

The ten rulers, their kingdoms and their forts.

Samlupi Samba Hang -- king of Tambar (his capital Tambar Yiok)
Sisiyen Shering Hang -- king of Mewa and Maiwa kingdoms (his capital Meringden Yiok)
Thoktokso Angbo Hang -- king of Athraya (his capital Pomajong)
Thindolung Khokya Hang -- king of Yangwarok (his capital Hastapojong Yiok)
Ye nga so Papo Hang -- king of Panthar (his capital at Yashok and Phedim)
Shengsengum Phedap Hang -- king of Phedap (his capital at Poklabung)
Mung Tai Chi Emay Hang -- king of Ilam (his capital at Phakphok)
Soiyak Ladho (CHEMJONG) Hang -- king of Miklung (Choubise) (his capital at Shanguri Yiok)
Tappeso Perung Hang -- king of Thala (his capital at Thala Yiok)
Taklung Khewa Hang -- king of Chethar (his capital at Chamling Chimling Yiok)
Ten kings of Limbuwan[edit]
King Mung Mawrong Hang

At the beginning of the 7th century, King Mung Mawrong Hang came to prominence in the terai lands of Limbuwan (present-day Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa area). He cleared much of the forest area in present-day Rangeli, east of Biratnagar, and built a town there. Since the ten kings of Limbuwan had sovereignty over the terai lands through the Kingdom of Ilam and the Kingdom of Bodhey (Choubise), they assembled a collective Limbuwan force and chased King Mawrong from Rongli area.

Mawrong went to Tibet and took refuge in Khampa Jong, but he still had an ambition to rule all of Limbuwan. When Limbuwan was ruled by ten kings and when King Mawrong came to prominence, Tibet was ruled by King Tsrong Tsen Gempo. Mawrong went on to ally with Tibetan King Tsrong Tsen Gempo, managed to get Bhutia tribes of Khampa jong to assist him and planned on attacking Limbuwan from the north. King Mawrong attacked Limbuwan, the ten kings of Limbuwan brought their forces and fought decisive battle through Hatia, Walungchung and Tapkey passes in the Himalayas. Ten kings of Limbuwan lost and King Mawrong rose as the overlord of Limbuwan. The ten kings of Limbuwan still continued to rule their original places as subordinate to King Mung Mawrong.

King Mawrong also started a festival among the Kirant people called “Namban”, where people celebrate the gathering of harvest every year, in the last week of December.

King Mawrong had no male heir, so when he died one of his ministers took over, becoming King Mokwan San. After a brief period King Uba Hang came to prominence in Limbuwan area.

The era of the Lasahang dynasty[edit]
King Uba Hang (ruled 849–865)

Following the death of King Mawrong, Uba Hang became powerful and renowned in Limbuwan area. He subdued the Limbuwan area which was under King Mokwan San and became King. He is known for introducing new faith among Limbu people and bringing changes to the Kirant mundhum religion. He taught his subjects to worship the great spirit of Tagera Ningwafumang with flowers and fruit, but not with blood sacrifice.

He built Chempojong fort and palace in Ilam. He introduced the festival of Tong Sum Tong Nam, held every three years in honour of Limbu Ancestor goddess Yumasammang and supreme god Tagera Ningwafumang. This Tong Sum Tong Nam festival is still held in Panchthar district of Nepal and is called Trisala Puja in Nepali language.

King Mabo Hang (ruled 865–880)

King Mabo Hang succeeded his father King Uba Hang in Limbuwan. He ruled Limbuwan for 15 years with the title of Thakthakkum Mabo Hang. He was well respected and known in Limbuwan and many also believed him to be the reincarnation of god. He moved his capital from Chempo Jong in Ilam to Yasok Jong in Panchthar.

King Muda Hang

After the death of Mabo hang his son Muda hang succeeded to the throne, but he was a weak king and unlike his father and grandfather he was not able to subdue all the rulers of ten Limbuwan. The ten rulers of Limbuwan declared independence in their own districts and began ruling independently. There was anarchy and chaos in Limbuwan as the rulers and clan chiefs tried to establish their own hagemony over Limbuwan. Thus Limbuwan disintegrated, and Lasa dynasty kings were reduced to being only kings of Panchthar area and the southern Limbuwan.

King Wedo Hang

In the chaos and integration of Limbuwan, King Muda hang was succeeded by his son Wedo Hang. He ruled from Hellang palace in Panthar. In Panchthar district King Muda Hang was fighting Nembang hang Chief, the same chief fought with king wedo hang as well. When chief Nembang hang failed to defeat he plotted King Wedo Hang’s assassination, he married his sister Dalima to King Wedo Hang to be close to Hellang Palace. King Wedo Hang was murdered by his enemies while he was sleeping. Queen Dalima, sister of Nembang chief was pregnant with King Wedo’s child at the time of the murder. Chief Pathong Hang sat on the throne of Hellang palace ruling present-day Panchthar area. Queen Dalima left Hellang palace and went on to live in Chempojong palace in Ilam. Chempojong palace was the ancestral home of the Lasahang dynasty kings built by King Uba Hang.

King Chemjong Hang

The fifth king of Lasa dynasty was King Chemjong Hang. He was born in Chempojong palace in Ilam, where his mother was living. When he was born his mother disguised him by dressing him as a girl, fearing that Chief Pathong Hang’s people would come and murder him. She told him that his father’s enemy would destroy him if they were to find out his true identity. He grew up to be a wise and strong individual under the disguise as a girl. His mother having told him of his late father’s followers in the northern part of Limbuwan, he made his way there and forged alliances with the chiefs. He made a surprise attack while everyone at Hellang palace was celebrating the marriage of one of the district chiefs. After capturing Hellang palace, he revealed his identity to all those present and they accepted him as the true ruler and heir of the late King Wedo Hang. Since he had no real name and that he was born in the old palace of Chempojong, the assembled chiefs decided to name him Chemjong Hang, which became his name. He once again tried to unite all of Limbuwan and succeeded in extending from present-day Panchthar, Illam, Dhankuta, Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa. Back in those days Morang composed of the lower terai lands of Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa, while northern Limbuwan was still in fragments.

The era of King Sirijunga (880–915)[edit]
King Galijunga who ruled the Yangwarok kingdom of Limbuwan during the time of King Uba Hang; Ubahang was Galijunga’s overlord at the period. As King Muda hang became weak and started losing control of Limbuwan, the grandson of King Galijung, Sirijunga rose to power in the northern Limbuwan area. King Sirijunga’a ancestors had ruled Kathmandu valley during the Kirant era in Nepal.

Unification of northern Limbuwan

During the anarchic period of King Muda Hang, King Sirijunga became powerful enough to subdue all the Limbu chiefs under his control.

Famous Sirijunga forts

King Sirijung constructed two big forts at present-day Sirjung in Terhathum district and Chainpur in Sankhuwasabha district. The forts were named Sirjunga fort, and the remains of the structures still stand today.

King Sirijunga script

King Sirijunga is also known for deveolping and introducing Sirijunga script to the Limbus, which is still in use today. The Mundhum, Kirant Limbu religious text of Mundhum states that King Sirijunga was asked by Nisammang (Limbu god of learning) to accompany her to the base of mount Phoktanglungma. The goddess took him to the deepest cave in the mountain and gave him the stone slab consisting of writings. There he was also blessed with the power of knowledge; the goddess taught him how to read and write that language and told him to spread the scriptures to his people. The king returned to his palace and began teaching the script and knowledge to Limbu people.

The Kipat land system of King Sirijunga

King Sirijunga is also known for his famous land reform law. He introduced a Kipat land system, whereby he divided lands to the chiefs of each clan or village and vested them with the full power over his land. The chief’s powers did not extend beyond his borders and chiefs were expected to extend full military support from his village during the time of war to all the Kings of Limbuwan for the protection of Limbuwan. One of the important characteristics of the Kipat system was that neither the chief nor his people were allowed to sell their land to any outsiders or any non-clan members. Non-clan members were only allowed to rent the land for the period of time and were not supposed to take permanent land ownership. The land was to be divided equally among all sons and unmarried daughters. He also decreed that all the chiefs of villages must have a council, called Chumlung, of four members to assist him in ruling the villages. The chief presided over all the clan/village meetings and festivals. He also had enough powers so that his decisions were considered final. Ever since the time of King Sirijunga, Limbu people of Limbuwan have been enjoying special Kipat rights over their lands. No one could take away the Kipat lands and the lands belonged communally to specific clan. The Kipat land system devised by King Sirijunga of Limbuwan gained popularity in other Kirant areas in Nepal as well. The Kipat land system was used by people of Kirant Rai, Kirant Sunuwar and even Tamang people. Following King Sirijunga all the rulers of Limbuwan area up to King Mahendra had promised to uphold the special laws and custom of the Kipat system of Limbuwan during or right after their coronation.

The period of the ten kings after King Sirijunga[edit]
After the death of King Sirijunga, Limbuwan was once again ruled by the ten kings of the kingdoms of Limbuwan; this period lasted from 915 to 1584. The ten kingdoms formed after the great revolution of Limbuwan in the 6th century all remained the same. The current state of Limbu nation, culture, language and ethnicity is believed to have taken shape during this period.

During this period, the lowlands of Limbuwan (present-day terai lands of Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa) collectively known as Morang since the time of King Mung Mawrong Hang, developed as a kingdom in its own right. At the beginning of 1400, Morang Kingdom patriates from the Kingdom of Ilam and the Kingdom of Mikluk Bodhey (Choubise) and began ruling on its own. Morang Kingdom’s borders were set at Kankai river in the east, Koshi river in the west, Shanguri fort in the north and Jalal garh in India in the south. King Sangla Ing became the first king of the lowland Limbuwan kingdom of Morang after 900 years since it last had its own king. He built alliances with the other kings of Limbuwan and remained on good terms. He built his kingdom at Varatappa and ruled from there. King Sangla Ing was succeeded by his son Pungla Ing, who later converted to Hinduism and changed his name to Amar Raya Ing.

The Sanglaing dynasty kings[edit]
King Sangla Ing (first king of Ing dynasty)

King Pungla Ing (became Amar Raya Ing)

King Kirti Narayan Raya Ing

King Ap Narayan Raya Ing

King Jarai Narayan Raya Ing

King Indhing Narayan Raya Ing

King Bijay Narayan Raya Ing

The last king of the Ing dynasty of Morang Kingdom Bijay Narayan built a good friendship with the king of Phedap, Murray Hang Khebang. He then advised King Bijay Narayan to build a new town after his name, and thus Bijaypur town was settled. Bijaypur town, near present-day Dharan City remained the capital of Morang Kingdom and of all of Limbuwan until 1774. King Bijay Narayan then persuaded King Murray Hang Khebang of Phedap to stay in Bijaypur and assist him in ruling Morang Kingdom as his prime minister. King Murray Hang Khebang agreed to the proposal and his title of prime minister became a hereditary position for his descendants. In this way King Bijay Narayan Raya Sanglaing effectively made King Murray Hang his prime minister and Murray Hang’s son Bajahang Raya Khebang ruled the kingdom of Phedap under his father. King Bijay Narayan also gave the title of Raya, “King”, to Murray Hang. Since then, King Murray Hang Khebang became the first prime minister of Limbuwan and second king of Limbuwan to hold the Hindu title of “Raya”.

Over time, the relationship between King Bijay Narayan Raya Sanlgaing and his prime minister Murray Hang Khebang soured. The king accused Murray Hang of raping his daughter and sentenced him to death. Hearing the news of Murray Hang’s betrayal by the king of Morang, his son King Bajahang Khebang decided to punish the King of Morang. He went to Makwanpur and asked for the help of King Lo Hang Sen of Makwanpur. King Lohang Sen of Makwanpur with the help of the Kirant force conquered Bijaypur in 1608. King of Phedap Bajahang Khebang, who had come to take revenge of his father’s death, died on the battlefield; at the same time, King Bijay Narayan also died of natural causes. King Lohang Sen of Makwanpur then appointed King Bajahang Khebang’s son and Murray Hang’s grandson, Bidya Chandra Raya Khebang, as prime minister of the Morang Kingdom and gave him autonomy to rule Morang. Lohang Sen returned to Makwanpur and King Bidya Chandra Raya Khebang went to Lhasa to get recognition as the real King of Limbuwan. King Bidya Chandra successfully gets the Royal document with the seal of Dalai Lama recognition of him as the ruler of all of Phedap and Morang. In the meantime, the rest of the kingdoms of Limbuwan were ruled by their own kings.

The era of divided Limbuwan (1609–1741)[edit]
The death of King Bijay Narayan Sanglaing of Morang and the subsequent war of revenge by the King of Phedap led to the conquest of the Morang Kingdom of Limbuwan by Lo Hang Sen of Mokwanpur. This event led to the era of divided Limbuwan because the association of Limbuwan states no longer existed. Only a few of the ten kingdoms of Limbuwan actually formed alliances with the Sen king and saw him as their overlord. In the meantime, in 1641, when King Phuncho Namgyal became the king of Sikkim, independent Limbu kings of Tambar Kingdom, Yangwarok Kingdom, Panthar Kingdom and Ilam Kingdom allied with the Sikkimese king, effectively dividing Limbuwan in half. From the enthronement of King Puncho Namgyal of Sikkim in 1641 to 1741, the eastern and northern Limbuwan kings allied with the kings of Sikkim.

The era of the Namgyal dynasty in eastern and northern Limbuwan (1641–1741)[edit]
From 1641 to 1741 for approximately a hundred years, the Limbu kings of Tambar, Yangwarok, Panthar and Ilam kingdoms allied with the King of Sikkim and saw him as their overlord. During this time the other kingdoms of Limbuwan were allied with the Sen king of Makwanpur. King Puncho Namgyal died in 1670 and was succeeded by his son King Tensong Namgyal, who married three queens. The youngest queen was from Limbuwan, and her name was Queen Thungwa Mukma, daughter of the King of Yangwarok, Yong Ya Hang. King Tensong Namgyal of Sikkim built a new palace and asked his youngest queen to name it. She names it “Song Khim” meaning new home. Over time this name changed from "Songkhim" to "Sukkhim", and eventually the name "Sikkim" came into being. The original name of Sikkim was Mayel in the Lepcha language, Chungjung in the Limbu language and Denjong in the Bhutia language. King Tensong was succeeded by his son and third king Chhyagdor Namgyal. During his time, Bhutan attacked Sikkim and occupied it for eight years. With the help of Tibetans he regained his throne. He died in 1716 and was succeeded by his son, King Gyurmi Namgyal. In 1733 King Gyurmi Namgyal of Sikkim died childless, then his minister declared himself the King of Sikkim under the title of “Tamding Gyalpo” and started ruling from the throne of Rabdentse palace. He ruled from 1738 to 1741. This threw the Limbu alliance with Sikkim into disarray as other ministers had placed the infant king on the throne. Meanwhile in 1741, a Limbu scholar named Srijunga Sing Thebe of Yangwarok Kingdom of Limbuwan came to western Sikkim to teach Limbu script and literature to the Kirant people there. The Tibetan Tachhang Lamas of Pemayangtse monastery feared the Limbu Sirijunga Xin Thebe’s actions. They killed him by tying him to a tree and shooting him with arrows. This caused anger in Limbuwan and the kings of all the kingdoms of Limbuwan that had allied with the King of Sikkim in 1641 broke off the ties and stopped regarding the kings of Sikkim as their overlords and allies. Thus the Namgyal dynasty ended in Limbuwan in 1741, and after breaking off ties with Sikkim, the four Limbu kings and their kingdoms remained neutral and independent.

The era of the Sen dynasty in western and southern Limbuwan (1609-1769)[edit]
From 1609 to 1769, for about 160 years, the Sen kings of Makwanpur were nominal kings of Morang and allied to the other five kings of Limbuwan. The era of the Sen dynasty in Limbuwan began with the conquest of the Morang kingdom by King Lo Hang Sen to avenge the death of the prime minister of Morang.

King Lo Hang Sen (1609–61)

Following the enthronement of King Lo Hang Sen to the throne of Morang Kingdom at Bijaypur, Limbuwan also entered the phase of Hindu influence. All the kings of Limbuwan, their ministers, and their chiefs started changing their original Kirant Limbu names to Hindu names. kKing Lo Hang Sen ruled from 1609 to 1641 and managed to get all the kings of Limbuwan who were not allied with Sikkim on his side. He promised the Limbu people and their chiefs that the Kipat land system, the Limbu language, culture and way of life that had been practised for thousands of years would be protected. He also promised to Kings of Limbu kingdoms that they would get full autonomy and power to rule their own kingdoms. This way King Lo Hang Sen managed to become the King of Kings in Limbuwan and take the title of Maharajadhiraj. He appointed three Limbu ministers to his court in Makwanpur. In the meantime, the kingdom of Morang with its capital Bijaypur was ruled by the descendants of King Murray Hang Khebang, the Prime Ministers during the Sanglaing dynasty.

King Harihar Sen (1661–84)

King Harihar Sen, the grandson of Lo Hang Sen, succeeded his grandfather to the throne of Morang. He extended Morang up to Gondwara in Bihar, gave himself the title of “Hindupati Maharaj”, and built a new palace in Chanjitpur in lower Morang. He placed his grandson Bidhata Indra Sen on the throne of Morang. This was not liked by Hahrihar Sen’s sons so civil war broke out. In this chaotic struggle, Subha Sen, younger son of King Harihar Sen, was victorious and started ruling Morang.

King Subha Sen ruled Morang for 22 years, while King Bidhata Indra Sen was also ruling Morang. Both King Subha Sen and Bidhata Indra Sen were tricked into coming to the palace of the Nawab of Purnea, who then betrayed them and sent them to the Mughal Emperor in Delhi. Both the uncle and nephew kings died at the hands of the Mughal Emperor. After finding out about this betrayal, Queen Padmidhata Induraj Rajeswari, the wife of King Bidhata Indra Sen, called upon the allies of Morang Kingdom, all the nine kings of Limbuwan, to assist her in punishing the Nawab of Purnea.

Queen Padmidhata Induraj Rajeswari Sabitra Sen (1706–25)

The kings ruling nine Kingdoms of Limbuwan at that time were, Chemjong King, Pasenama King, Lingdom King, Khewa King, Sukmi King, Makkhim King, Vaji King, Gabha King, and Shah Hang King. They were titled Roy by the Sen Kings of Morang, Roy was equivalent of King.

Another war of revenge broke out with the united forces of Limbuwan under the command of Chemjong King and the Nawab of Purnea at Jalal Garh. The Limbuwan forces were victorious; their leaders established the boundary at Jalal Gurh in the south.

The kings of Limbuwan decided to bring the capital city of Morang back to Bijaypur from Chanjitpur. They placed Queen Padmidhata Indurajrajeswari on the throne of Bijaypur. The same Khebang dynasty kings of Phedap served as prime minister of Morang and other Limbus served as ministers and chautariayas.

In 1721, about fifteen years after the War of Revenge with the Nawabs of Purnia, Limbuwan established friendly and trading relations with the kingdom of Purnea in the south. King Pasenama, who was also a minister of Morang, went to Purnea and established the bilateral relationship.

King Mahipati Sen (1725–61)

After almost twenty years of reign, Queen Padmidhata died. The kings of Limbuwan and their minsters assembled and elected Mahipati Sen of Makwanpur, son of the late King Subha Sen, as the king of Morang and placed him on the throne in Bijaypur. He effectively became King of Kings of Limbuwan or Maharajadhiraja of Limbuwan. Mahipati Sen was a weak king; he had no legitimate issue, but had eighteen illegitimate sons. Kamadatta Sen, the eldest of the illegitimate sons, would succeed King Mahipati Sen of Morang and Maharajadhiraj of Limbuwan.

King Kamadatta Sen (1761–69)

During the reign of King Mahipati Sen, the prime minister of Morang was King Bichitra Chandra Raya Khebang of Phedap Kingdom. When Mahipati Sen died, he did not allow Kamadatta Sen to be the full ruler of Morang Kingdom because he thought Kamadatta was illegitimate. During this time, the Sen kings had given much of the terai lands of Morang to the Limbu kings and chiefs for their personal jagir, believing that they would not revolt against them.

The feud between King Kamdatta Sen and his prime minister grew as the tensions of the power struggle increased; Prime Minister Bichitra Chandra Raya Khebang was succeeded by his son, Buddhi Karna Raya Khebang. Buddhi Karna pursued his father’s policy of disengaging Kamadatta Sen from state affairs. Then finally Kamadatta Sen had had enough; he came to Bijaypur and occupied the throne and expelled Buddhi Karna from Morang. Buddhi Karna went to Rabdentse palace in Sikkim to get help.

Kamadatta Sen turned out to be a worthy ruler and established good relations with everyone. He declared that all the Limbu kings of Limbuwan, their ministers and chiefs were to be of his own lineage and that they were to be treated as his own family. He also married Princess Thangsama Angbohang, sister of King of Athroya in Limbuwan. He appointed King Shamo Raya Chemjong of Miklung Bodhey Kingdom (Choubise) as his Prime Minister and requested him to come to his palace in Bijaypur and manage his country. He again guaranteed autonomy and Kipat to all the people and chiefs of Limbuwan. He established friendly relations with the king of Bhutan, king of Sikkim and Tibet. King Dev Zudur of Bhutan even sent his representatives to King Kama Datta Sen’s coronation. Morang and Limbuwan already had good relations with the Kingdom of Purnea in the south and he also developed good relations with King Ranjit Malla of Bhaktapur.

Thus with his appeasement policies to the people of Limbuwan and good relations with the neighbouring states of Limbuwan, he gained much confidence and popularity in Limbuwan.

Meanwhile, in 1769, the exiled and unhappy prime minister of Morang, Buddhi Karna, planned a conspiracy to assassinate King Kama Datta Sen, who was ambushed and killed in Morang on his way to a meeting.

The era of divided Limbuwan

King Buddhi Karna Raya Khebang of Morang (1769–73)

After the assassination of Kama Datta Sen, Buddhi Karna came to Bijaypur and became the last king of Morang and Limbuwan. But on hearing of the death of King Kama Datta Sen, all the states that made up Limbuwan and their allies split up. The kings of Limbuwan no longer had allegiance to Buddhi Karna. He seriously needed able ministers and chiefs to assist him in ruling Morang and all of Limbuwan. He sent people to look for King Shamo Raya Chemjong of Miklung Bodhey Kingdom to help him.

During this time,

King Shridev Roy Phago -- king of Maiwa Kingdom

King Raina Sing Raya Sering -- king of Mawa Kingdom

King Ata Hang -- king of Phedap Kingdom

King Subhawanta Libang -- king of Tambar Kingdom

King Yong Ya Hang -- king of Yangwarok Kingdom

King Thegim Hang -- king of Panthar Kingdom

King Lingdom Hang -- king of Ilam Kingdom

King Shamo Roya Chemjong Hang -- king of Miklung Bodhey (Choubise, including southern Panther)

King Khewa Hang -- king of Chethar (including Dasmajhiya, Jalhara and Belhara areas)

King Buddhi Karna Raya Khebang -- king of Morang (including present-day Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa areas)

King Shamo Raya Chemjong was responsible for leading the Kings of Limbuwan and chiefs of Limbuwan in signing a treaty with the King of Gorkha. King Shamo Chemjong was also the prime minister of Morang Kingdom and effectively ruled Morang when King Buddhi Karna was away from Bijaypur to seek help from the British. The king of Ilam, King Lingdom’s son, was the last king of Limbuwan to sign a treaty with the King of Gorkha.

The Limbuwan Gorkha War ended in 1774, following a treaty between the King of Gorkha and the Kings of Limbuwan and their ministers in Bijaypur, Morang.

The era of the Shah dynasty in Limbuwan[edit]
King Prithivi Narayan Shah (1768–75)

The major role that King Prithivi Narayan played in Limbuwan history was the incorporation of Limbuwan lands into his Gorkha Kingdom. Following this, the Gorkha Empire became Nepal. The former ten kingdoms of Limbuwan were divided into seventeen districts; the former kings became subbas under the new king and were granted autonomy, which was eroded over time. Kipat rights included ownership of rice fields, pasture fields, forests, water sources, rivers and mineral resources. While the rest of Nepal had the “Raikar” system of land ownership, only Limbuwan had the state sanctioned “Kipat” system. The policy of autonomy to Limbuwan by the Gorkha king was to ensure that Limbus always stayed loyal to him. Thus it would be easier for the Gorkhas to both conquer Sikkim and subdue Limbu brotherns Kirant Khambu (Rais) of Majh Kirant at the same time. This was an example of the divide and rule policy of the Shah rulers.

The Gorkha-Limbuwan Treaty of 1774 CE ended the Limbuwan Gorkha wars.

The Gorkha Bhardars, Abhiman Singh Basnet, Parath Bhandari, Kirti Singh Khawas and Bali Bania on behalf of Gorkha raja Prithivi Narayan Shah, agreed to take an oath and swear on “Noon pani” (salt-water) promising that Gorkha raja would never confiscate Limbus’ Kipat land (autonomous land) nor destroy them. If he confiscated their Kipat land and destroyed them, then the god, upon whom Gorkha Raja had sworn and put faith in, would destroy him, his descendants and his kingdom. At this swearing ceremony, a big copper cauldron was brought in front of Gorkha and Limbu representatives and one pathi (eight pounds) of salt was put into it. Limbu ministers then poured water into it and stirred properly to mix the salt with water. Then the ministers asked the Gorkha bhardars to extract salt out of the water. They answered that salt had mixed and had become impossible to extract from the water.

The Limbu ministers then said: ”Although the salt has melted and it is impossible to extract it from the water, yet the water has become tasteful. You, the Gorkhas, are like water and we the Kirant Limbu people, are like salt. You Gorkhas people want us to melt in you, but you will not remain as before. When we mix or amalgamate with you, then you Gorkhas will be more exalted than before. But, if you betray us by taking our right of Kipat land, then what oath will you take for not violating this agreement?” The Gorkha bhardars, on behalf of Gorkha raja, took a handful of salt water in their hands and swore that the Gorkha raja would never betray them by forfeiting the Kipat land (self-governing autonomous land). If the Gorkha King did so, his descendants would melt like salt and disappear from the world. The Gorkha Bhardars, then questioned the Kirant Limbu ministers, saying if they will betray the Gorkha raja by violating “Noon pani" agreement what oath would they take for never violating such an agreement. The Kirant Limbu ministers took a handful of salt water and swore that they would never go against the Gorkhali king. If they did so then their descendants would also melt like salt and disappear from the world.

After making such agreement on salt-water (sacred and important elements), the Gorkha bhardars on behalf of Gorkha raja gave the following treaty paper, or Lal Mohor, to the Limbu ministers of Bijaypur.

Translation of the agreement between the Limbu ministers of Morang kingdom and King Prithvi Narayan Shah of Gorkha Kingdom in 1774:

“Let this be our agreement that I want to have you as the members of my own family. My religious mind is good. You are under my protection from now. By my power, your country is now mine but you are still ours. I will take the responsibility of progress and protection of your families. I will retain your rights to anything you possess. You keep in contact with my officers, help them and enjoy your land with full right as long as it exists. You are different from Nau lakh Rai, because their kings will be displaced. You who call yourselves Kings are not destroyable. I know your policy and good intentions.” “The Kingdom of Sikkim had not come to terms with us. My officers have come to your land with full instructions. You will come to now everything through them. You agree with them and enjoy your land individually in a manner as mentioned above. I, hereby, agree to abide by the above mentioned terms of agreement of never taking your land by force and destroying you. I swear on the copper plate and say that if I violate the above mentioned promises, then let the God upon whom I and my family depend and worship, destroy my descendants and my kingdom. I have written the above mentioned agreement and hereby hand it over to the above mentioned Limbu brothers on this day of twenty second shrawan of Sambat eighteen hundred and thirty one at our capital city of Kantipur may it be blessed and fortunate.”

When the allies of Morang Kingdom heard the news of the agreement between the Gorkha and Morong kingdoms, the Limbu rulers of Mewa Kingdom, Phedap Kingdom, Maiwa Kingdom and Tambar Kingdom also came to Bijaypur (present-day Dharan) to join the alliance with the Gorkha King under the same terms and conditions of the treaty. The rulers of the regions Papo Hang, Thegim Hang and Nembang Hang under the leadership of Chemjong Hang (ShriShun rai) decided to join the Gorkha king on the same conditions.

Thus the Limbuwan-Gorkha War came to an end in 1774, with all the principalities of Limbuwan joining Gorkha Kingdom except the King of Yangwarok (Kingdom of Yangwarok consists of present-day parts of Taplejung, Panchthar) and King of Ilam Hangsu Phuba of Lingdom Family.

King Rana Bahadur Shah (1777–99)

The grandson of King Prithvi Narayan Shah, King Rana Bahadur Shah’s role in Limbuwan was limited to arming the former kings of Limbuwan, now the Subbas and chiefs, to fight against Sikkim. He called them to Kathmandu and under the charge of four former kings of Limbuwan, the king of Gorkha handed about 107 guns, 935 swords and 825 bows to raise a Limbu army and fight against Sikkim.

King Girvana Juddha Bikram Shah (1799–1816)

Following the occupation of Sikkim, west of Teesta River, Nepal was again plunged into a war with Tibet and eventually with China. During the war with Tibet, Sumur Lama of Tibet had taken refuge in Kathmandu. When Nepal refused to hand him back to China, the war broke out with Nepal and Tibet. At that time, the Chinese had incited the people of Limbuwan to revolt against their Gorkha king. General Tung Thang sent guns, gunpowder, cannons and other weapons to Limbus in Limbuwan. It was said that about 1000 pathis of gunpowder and 500 pathis of lead were sent to Limbus.

Rebellions in Limbuwan

In 1867, Dashain was boycotted in Dhankuta in protest at eroding the Limbuwan peoples’ cultural rights. The state government forced the people of Limbuwan to celebrate Dashain or else bear the consequences. This was unacceptable to the people of Limbuwan, so a revolt started in Dhankuta and spread. Gorkha rulers soon suppressed the protest and there were two deaths.

In 1870, the Limbu language suppression policy of the Ranas led to another uprising in Limbuwan. Limbu script or education in the Limbu language was thought of as anti-nationalistic, so the state adopted the policy of suppressing all ethnic and aboriginal languages and cultures of Nepal. Many Limbus were either executed or chased away from their motherland.

King Tribhuwan (1913–55)

King Tribhuwan’s rule saw several changes in the system of Kipat in Limbuwan. Although Ranas had taken away the rights of forest and other mineral rights of the Kipat system, worse was to come. In 1913, the government brought in legislation that stated that any new lands that were brought under cultivation in Limbuwan would be turned into a Raikar land. This was specifically designed to target the new farm lands that had been carved out from the forest and pasture areas. But once again, that was against the spirit of the Gorkha Limbuwan Treaty of 1774, whereby the State was to let Limbus use their lands in their own way according to the Kipat system. According to the treaty of 1774 and the Kipat system, if forest land was to be turned into farm land, with the consent and approval of the Subha and Chumlung of the area, then it was not supposed to be an issue to the state. Besides, forests and pasture lands along with river and water bodies with mineral rights were enshrined in the Kipat system. In 1917, the Rana government’s unilateral legislation stated that Kipat lands of Limbuwan could be turned into “Raikar” lands if the Limbu owners could not pay off loans within six months. This was totally against the treaty of 1774, which specifically stated that the lands of Limbuwan east of Arun River could never be transferred to the Raikar system. Up to 1920 the Subha and their Chumlung also had power to hold courts according to tradition in their jurisdiction.

Limbus of Ilam rose up in resistance

Similarly in 1926, the Rana government introduced the Panchayat system of government in Limbuwan, accordingly these Panchayat systems replaced the Subha and Chumlung system of government in Limbuwan which was also held up by the Gorkha-Limbuwan Treaty of 1774. Limbus of Ilam rose in resistance against the government policies of gradually nibbling away the rights given them by the 1774 treaty. Thus in this way State tried to eat away the autonomy and the rights of Limbu people of Limbuwan. The most interesting and unfair part of this whole saga was that, never were any Limbu Subha or Chumlung members asked nor were their opinion taken into any consideration. Treaties and agreements are signed or dissolved with the agreement of two sides, but the Gorkha-Limbuwan Treaty of 1774 was never consulted and the state unilaterally displaced the people of Limbuwan. In the mean time, the government of Nepal continued its encouragement of mass immigration of non Limbu and non Kirant people into Limbuwan to exploit Kipat lands.

In 1950-51, when there was political movement going on in rest of Nepal, there was also a Limbu/Kiranti insurgency going on in Limbuwan demanding more political rights.

King Mahendra (1955–72)

There was a tradition from the time of Ten Limbu Kings that whenever a new king was crowned, or a new government was formed, a delegation of Subha and Chumlung members would go to the capital city and voice their concerns. In 1960, a delegation of Limbu Subhas from Chumlungs across Limbuwan region went to Kathmandu to remind the King about the Gorkha-Limbuwan Treaty of 1774 and also to get guarantees about the rights of Limbuwan. Following his meeting with the Limbuwan delegation, the king issued royal decrees stating that the “Traditional rights and privileges of Limbu people in Limbuwan will be protected”, in reference to the treaty.

In 1964 King Mahendra and his government introduced the Land Reform Act, whereby the government was to confiscate any land holdings that exceeded 1.8 hectares. This was applied to all of Nepal, but Limbuwan was a different case because lands of Limbuwan once again were under Kipat system and not the Raikar system. The land could not have been sold or owned personally other than Kipat holders anyways, it was communal belonging to a clan or group of people. But once again, going against the spirit of the 1774 Treaty, eroding democratic values and neglecting the people of Limbuwan, the government did not consult with the original people of Limbuwan or the Treaty of 1774 and went ahead with their land surveying in Limbuwan. King Prithvi Narayan Shah had agreed that he would not survey, designate or take away lands of Limbuwan from the original people.

Limbuwan Rebellion against the Land Reform Act 1964

Soon after the introduction of the Land Reform Act, Subhas of Limbuwan and many other Limbu individuals raised the issue and implications of the Land Reform Act on Limbuwan and the existing Treaty. Limbus clearly knew that this was another act to erode the “treaty protected traditional” rights of the Limbu people over their lands. The situation was tense as the very next day, the immigrant non-Limbu tenants of Kipat lands who had been paying rent over a period of time, could be declared to own the land. The very existence of the Limbu people, its culture, tradition and autonomy was in danger. King Prithvi Narayan Shah had promised to Limbus that he would not survey the Lands of Limbuwan, because he did not own them but only the people of Limbuwan did. Similarly, after the 1964 Land reforms act, King Mahendra had promised a delegation of Limbuwans that he would not take away their lands, but he died without accomplishing this and failed to save the Limbu peoples’ autonomy.

The reasons why Kipat system in Limbuwan became a problem for the State and Hindu settlers

1) The state had no authority over Kipat Lands in Limbuwan.

2) The state could not generate revenue or make use of Lands in Limbuwan because Limbus owned the rights to rivers, waters, forests, mines and minerals.

3) The Limbu Kipat owners can anytime ask their tenants to move away from their Kipat lands.

4) Due to its strategic location and being far away from the capital, the state had to exert its control over the people of Limbuwan by mass immigrating Hindu settlers to keep rebellious Limbus in check.

Before the Land Reform Act, of Nepal’s total cultivable land, almost 95% or about 2.1 million hectares of land was under the Raikar system, and 2% or about 40000 hectares of land was under Guthi organisation. Only 3% or 77000 hectares of land was under the Kipat system. The main difference once again was that, all the lands of Nepal was owned by the state and given by the state to people for ownership under the Raikar system. Raikar lands had ownership documents given by the state and most importantly Raikar lands could be sold to anyone. Whereas in the Kipat system, communal/clan authorities owned the lands, Kipat lands were not granted because of the royal or state authority, the owner owned it because he or she belonged to a clan that owned the land for ever. Lands in Limbuwan were never conquered by the state and because the treaty existed that upheld the Kipat rights, it was illegal for the same state and authority that promised to uphold the privilege on one hand to take it away, piece by piece, by the other hand. Regmi states that the King and State had no authority over Kipat lands, communal authority was supreme.

In the treaty of 1774, Prithvi Narayan Shah swore that “in case we confiscate your lands, may our ancestral gods destroy our kingdom and descendants” Regmi further claims that this oath was restated by every other monarch after King Prithvi Narayan. Every new King promised and pledged to maintain Kipat rights but they on the other hand sponsored those policies that slowly eroded the Kipat rights.

King Birendra (1972–2001)

The Panchayat regime adopted the old policy of “One country one king, one language one culture”. It was sponsored by the state and Nepali language and Hindu religion was imposed on everyone. The existence of other religions, customs, languages and traditions were looked down upon and not encouraged. Since the implementation of the Land Reforms Acts, there had been protests and dissatisfacion towards the state for mismanaging, mistreating and most importantly betraying the Limbus. In 1968, a Limbu delegation that had gone to express their dissatisfaction over the single-handed treaty violation were jailed and tortured. Similarly the pioneers of the Limbuwan Liberation Front Party were jailed and tortured for three years for distributing pamphlets and trying to educate Limbus about their own rights. In 1972, some other Limbuwan Liberation members took a delegation to the new King Birendra and tried to revive the Limbuwan Autonomy issue but were soon suppressed.

The restoration of democracy came in 1990 following election. The Limbuwan Liberation Front, being the first party to raise the Limbuwan issue and Limbuwan autonomy and the rights of the Limbu people based on the Limbuwan Gorkha Treaty of 1774, was denied permission by the Nepal Election Commission to run in the election while several religious Hindu fundamentalist parties were allowed to run.

The republican era and now in Limbuwan[edit]
Following the relinquishment of power by then King Gyanendra, the people of Limbuwan and Limbuwan concerned parties became the first group to voice their pain. They organised a first peaceful strike to let the people of Nepal know how unfairly they had been treated and how far they were willing to go for justice. August 7–9, 2007, was the first of many peaceful strikes and protest programs of the Federal Limbuwan State Council and other parties. The demand remains as before, the true autonomy based on 1774 and recognition of indigenous rights.

Understanding the sentiments of the people of Limbuwan, various political parties such as Maoists and others included Federalism in their manifestoes.

The United Nations Draft Declaration on the rights of Indigenous People has also brought new hopes of legally achieving the rights that people of Limbuwan lost unfairly. Kirant Yakthung Chumlung, an organisation of Limbu people, has come up with a policy and views on going forward with the Kipat and land issues of Limbuwan.

Future of Limbuwan[edit]
It is almost certain that Limbuwan will become one of the Federal Province or State within the framework of the Nepalese Constitution and Nepalese Unity. As the people of Limbuwan are coming out of the dark shadows of the repressive past, Limbus and people of Limbuwan aspire to bring new hope, new development and new future to a Land that has existed so long with such an old history.